Mani pulite (pronounced , Italian for "clean hands") was a nationwide judicial investigation into political corruption in Italy held in the 1990s. Mani pulite led to the demise of the so-called "First Republic", resulting in the disappearance of many political parties. Some politicians and industry leaders committed suicide after their crimes were exposed. Antonio Di Pietro was the main judicial figure in charge of the operation.
In some accounts, as many as 5,000 public figures fell under suspicion. At one point, more than half of the members of the Italian Parliament were under indictment. More than 400 city and town councils were dissolved because of corruption charges. The estimated value of bribes paid annually in the 1980s by Italian and foreign companies bidding for large government contracts reached 4 billion dollars (6.5 trillion lire).
The corrupt system uncovered by these investigations was usually referred to as Tangentopoli (Italian pronunciation: ). The term derives from tangente, which means kickback and in this context refers to kickbacks given for public works contracts, and poli meaning city; it is thus sometimes translated as "Bribesville" or "Kickback City."
Tangentopoli began on 17 February 1992 when judge Antonio Di Pietro had Mario Chiesa, a member of the Italian Socialist Party (PSI), arrested for accepting a bribe from a Milan cleaning firm. The PSI distanced themselves from Chiesa, with PSI leader Bettino Craxi calling him mariuolo, or "villain", a "wild splinter" of the otherwise clean party. Upset over this treatment by his former colleagues, Chiesa began to give information about corruption implicating them. This marked the beginning of the mani pulite investigation; news of political corruption began spreading in the press.
In the 1992 elections, the centre-right Christian Democracy (DC) held on to power when its coalition government kept a small majority, while leftist opposition parties gained support. However, the Italian Communist Party split after the fall of the Soviet Union, depriving the opposition of leadership. Many votes went to the far-right Lega Nord, which was not inclined to form alliances with other parties at the time. The resulting parliament was therefore weak and difficult to bring to an agreement.
During April 1992, many industrial figures and politicians from both the government and the opposition were arrested on charges of corruption. While the investigations started in Milan, they quickly spread to other towns as more politicians confessed. One grotesque situation occurred when a Socialist politician immediately confessed to all of his crimes to two Carabinieri who had come to his house, only to later discover that they had come to deliver a mere fine for a traffic violation.
Fundamental to this increased exposure was the general attitude of the main politicians to drop support for subordinates who got caught; this made many of them feel betrayed, and they often implicated many other figures, who in turn would implicate even more. On 2 September 1992, the Socialist politician Sergio Moroni, charged with corruption, committed suicide. He left a letter pleading guilty, declaring that crimes were not for his personal gain but for the party's benefit, and accused the financing system of all the political parties.
In the local December elections, DC lost half of their votes. The day after that, Bettino Craxi, leader of the Italian Socialist Party, was officially accused of corruption. After many other politicians were accused and jailed, Craxi eventually resigned.
On 5 March 1993, the Italian government of Giuliano Amato and his justice minister Giovanni Conso tried to find a solution with a decree, which allowed criminal charges for several bribery-related crimes to be replaced by administrative charges instead; according to Italian popular opinion at the time, that would have resulted in a de facto amnesty for most corruption charges. Amid public outrage and nationwide rallies, the Italian president of the Republic Oscar Luigi Scalfaro refused to sign the decree, deeming it unconstitutional. The following week, a US$250 million affair involving Eni, the government-controlled national energy company, was revealed. The stream of accusation, jailing and confessions continued.
On 25 March 1993, the Italian parliament changed the municipal electoral law in favor of a majoritarian system. Later, on 18 April, the public overwhelmingly backed the abrogation of the existing proportional representation parliamentary electoral law in a referendum (a mixed system was introduced that August), causing Amato to resign three days later. Still shocked by the recent events, the Parliament was unable to produce a new government. Carlo Azeglio Ciampi, former governor of the national bank, was appointed head of the government and appointed a technical government without political influences. In the meantime, the investigation of Craxi was blocked by the parliament. Several members of the government, having been in office just three days, resigned in protest; among them were Francesco Rutelli, Minister of the Environment and Vincenzo Visco, Minister of Finance. In new local elections on 6 June 1993, DC lost half of its votes once again; the Socialist Party virtually disappeared. Instead Lega Nord, a protest movement with some ideological elements ranging from xenophobia and racism to independence from the rest of Italy and a general loathing of the political system, became the strongest political force in Northern Italy. The left-wing opposition was approaching majority, but still lacked unity and leadership.
Eventually, all four parties in government in 1992 disappeared, at different times in different ways: the Christian Democracy, the Italian Socialist Party, the Italian Socialist Democratic Party, and the Italian Liberal Party. The Democratic Party of the Left, the Italian Republican Party and the Movimento Sociale Italiano were the only surviving national parties; the Republican party is the only one that has maintained its name since.
According to the American ambassador Reginald Bartholomew, behind the operation there was the CIA who helped the Italian prosecutors to accuse the politicians.  
On 20 July 1993, the former Eni president, Gabriele Cagliari, committed suicide in jail. His wife later gave back $3 million of illegal funds.
Meanwhile, the trial of Sergio Cusani began. Mr. Cusani was accused of crimes connected to a joint venture between Eni and Montedison, named Enimont. It was broadcast on national television, and was a sort of showcase of the old politics being brought to their responsibilities. While Cusani himself was not a major figure, the connection of his crimes to the Enimont affair called in all the nation's major politicians as witnesses.
A high note was reached in the Cusani trial when former head of government Arnaldo Forlani, answering a question, simply said "I don't remember"; he also happened to be very nervous and did not notice that sweat was accumulating on his lips, and that image was by many considered symbolic of the people's disgust for the corruption system. Bettino Craxi, instead, admitted that his party received $93 million of illegal funds. His defense was that "everyone was doing this" anyway.
Even the Lega Nord was implicated in the trial; secretary Umberto Bossi and former treasurer Alessandro Patelli were convicted for receiving 200 million lire of illegal funding (approx. $100,000 at the time).
A bribe to the Italian Communist Party was alleged, but it was not established who had committed the offence. A number of Milanese members of the Democratic Party of the Left were charged with corruption during their time as members of the PCI but they were acquitted. As prosecutor Antonio Di Pietro stated, "Penal responsibility is personal. I cannot bring here a person with first name Communist and last name Party".
The Enimont trial itself was carried out after the Cusani trial, with much less public interest.
In the meantime, the investigation expanded outside the political range: on 2 September 1993 the Milan judge Diego Curtò was arrested. On 21 April 1994, 80 financial policemen and 300 industry personalities were charged with corruption. A few days later, the secretary of the large Fiat corporation admitted corruption with a letter to a newspaper.
In 1994, Silvio Berlusconi entered politics by storm and won the elections. Many think that this move was to preserve his many industries from possible corruption charges. This suspicion was reinforced on 11 February, when Silvio Berlusconi's brother, Paolo, admitted to corruption crimes. On 13 July 1994, the Berlusconi government made a new law to avoid jail time for most corruption crimes.
The law was carefully timed as Italy had defeated Bulgaria in the 1994 Football World Cup's semifinals, and it is likely that the government expected to exploit an eventual victory to pass the law under silence in a football-crazy country. However, as Roberto Baggio shot high the last penalty against Brazil, and the news was showing images of hated, corrupt politicians getting out of jail, the public opinion became enraged; the images of Francesco De Lorenzo, former minister of Health, were especially striking, since the general public perceived stealing money from hospitals an especially hateful act.
Just a few days before, the arrested policemen had been talking about corruption in the Fininvest media industry, the biggest Berlusconi family property. Most of the Mani pulite investigation pool declared that they would respect the state's laws, but they could not work in a situation where duty and conscience were to conflict: they requested therefore to be reassigned to other duties.
Since the government could not afford to be seen as an adversary of the popular judge pool, the decree was hastily revoked and marked a "misunderstanding"; minister for internal affairs Roberto Maroni from Lega Nord claimed that he had not even had the chance to read it. While the minister of Justice was Alfredo Biondi, allegations that Cesare Previti, a lawyer from Berlusconi's company Fininvest, had written it, are at least credible.
On 29 July Berlusconi's brother was again arrested and immediately released.
At this point there began what has been described by many as the "Berlusconi-Di Pietro battle". While Berlusconi's industries were being investigated, "inspectors" were sent from the government to the Milanese judges' office to look for formal irregularities. None were ever found, but this tactic, coupled with Berlusconi's firm grip on the information system, helped spread what is described in other environments as FUD (Fear, Uncertainty, and Doubt). The battle ended without winners: on 6 December Di Pietro resigned. Two weeks later, the Berlusconi government resigned before a critical confidence vote in Parliament, which was generally expected to go against them.
During 1995, many investigations were started against Antonio Di Pietro, who would years later be cleared of all charges, while Silvio Berlusconi incurred other charges of corruption. It was later found that the main prosecutor of Antonio Di Pietro in these times, Fabio Salamone from Brescia, was the brother of a man that Antonio Di Pietro himself had prosecuted, and who was sentenced to 18 months of jail for various corruption charges. It took however some time before the authorities realized this and ordered Salamone to other duties even though his investigations had taken a completely different direction: Paolo Berlusconi (Silvio's brother) and Cesare Previti (former minister) were accused of a conspiracy against Di Pietro but the prosecutor who later replaced Salamone asked for their acquittal and so did the court.
After being cleared, Antonio Di Pietro went into politics, something he had previously ruled out on the grounds that he did not want to exploit the popularity gained doing what he perceived to be just his duty. His movement is named Italia dei Valori ("Italy of values").
In 1998, Cesare Previti, former manager of Fininvest and then sitting in parliament after the Berlusconi government, avoided jailing thanks to parliamentary intervention, even though Berlusconi and his allies were in opposition. Bettino Craxi was sentenced to several years cumulative jail time in definitive convictions and fled to Tunisia, where he remained until his death on 19 January 2000.
After 1994, the danger of trials being cancelled due to the expiration of statutory terms was becoming very real. This was clear to the judges and to the politicians, and the latter ones (with no distinction between Berlusconi's coalition and the Olive Tree, especially under the leadership of Massimo D'Alema) either ignored the pleas of the judiciary system for more funding to buy equipment, or passed laws that made the notoriously slow Italian trials even slower and subject to earlier prescription.
Furthermore, the intricate nature of Italian laws allowed cunning lawyers to use many delaying tactics: an instructive example was a prosecution of Silvio Berlusconi, where he was accused of misappropriation of funds of his own company, Fininvest, in order to prepare black funds that could have been used for bribes or other illegitimate purposes; on the last possible day, a lawyer from Fininvest appeared in court and complained that his company had not been formally notified of the trial. While this trial was well publicized in the media (and also in Fininvest's media themselves), the formality forced the trial to be restarted from scratch, and Berlusconi was finally acquitted by expiration of statutory terms. Being acquitted in this first trial, he could later benefit from a general reduction of terms for other trials, which in turn expired earlier with a domino effect.
After Silvio Berlusconi's victory in 2001, public opinion had turned so far against judges, where it is not only openly acceptable to criticize judges for having carried out Mani pulite, but also increasingly difficult to broadcast opinions favorable to Milan's pool. Some blame Berlusconi's power in media as having played a role in this change or the inability of the opposite parties to gain the consent of the conservative electors. Even Umberto Bossi, whose Lega Nord has been an opposition party became highly critical of judges.
The term lottizzazione, meaning the way a terrain is divided up in minor parts or lotti, came to indicate the procedure of awarding top positions in important state conglomerates such as IRI, ENEL or ENI to political figures, or at least managers with a clear political orientation. This usually trickled down to lower levels, creating power centres depending on political parties that controlled a significant part of the production system. The available seats were usually awarded so that government parties (and opposition parties like the Italian Communist Party) would get a share of power corresponding to their perceived influence in the government.
In 2005, artist Gianni Motti created a piece of soap, named Mani Pulite, based on the scandal. This piece was claimed to have been created out of the fat from a liposuction of Silvio Berlusconi. It was sold at the 36th edition of Art Basel for 15,000 euros.
A 2015 television series titled 1992 is based on the events of mani pulite.
Franco Nicolazzi (10 April 1924 – 22 January 2015) was an Italian politician. Nicolazzi was born in Gattico , in the province of Novara . During World War II HE fought against the German occupation of Italy in the Brigate Matteotti . He was one of the founders of the Italian Democratic Socialist Party (Partito Socialista Democratico Italiano, PSDI) in 1948, an offshoot of the Italian Socialist Party whose members were against the decision to ally with the Italian Communist Party . Nicolazzi was a member of the Italian Parliament from 1963 to 1990, and was ministry of Industry in 1979 and then ministry of Public Works until 1987. He retired from political activity after his encroachment in the Tangentopoli scandal, in which he was condemned to a one-year residence order. Fronm 2006 until his death he was the President of the Giuseppe Saragat Foundation. Nicolazzi died on 22 January 2015, aged 90. References Nicolazzi cittadino onorario di Gravellona Nicolazzi: "Ho salvato il Vco dalla morte" (in Italian) Mor
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The Progressive People's Party of Christian Inspiration (Partito Popolare Progressista di Ispirazione Cristiana), also known as Progressive People's Party (Partito Popolare Progressista, shortened as PPP ), was a Christian-democratic political party active in Molise . Its leader and founder was Tonino Martino . History The party was founded in 1993 by the lawyer and Christian-democratic regional councillor of Molise Tonino Martino, disappointed by the proposals of the DC's National Secretary Mino Martinazzoli . In the 1995 regional election the party ran within the centre-right coalition in support of the candidacy of Quintino Pallante obtaining the 2.96% of the vote and Martino was re-elected at the Regional Council. In the 2000 regional election the party always ran within the centre-right coalition in support of Michele Iorio , obtaining the 2.18% of the vote and reconfirming its leader Martino at the Regional Council. Martino acted with a legal recourse against the outcome of election (ended with the vict
Gad Lerner (born 7 December 1954 in Beirut , Lebanon ) is an Italian journalist and writer. Career He began his news career in 1976, writing for the ultra-leftist daily Lotta Continua , belonging to the eponymous political entity, becoming its deputy director. He then worked for the Genoan daily Il Lavoro , as well as for Radio Popolare , the communist newspaper Il Manifesto and the weekly newsmagazine L'Espresso . Notoriety and success came when he started working for television broadcasts on Rai Tre , among which Profondo Nord and Milano, Italia. His reporting coincided with the infamous years of bribery scandals, known as Tangentopoli ( Italian for Bribesville), and the ascent of the Lega Nord separatist political movement - Lerner successfully portrayed in his shows the deep changes the country was experiencing. He later served as director deputy director of the national newspaper La Stampa and briefly as director of news broadcasts for TG1 and Rai Uno . He publicly resigned after a selection of pornograp
Democratic Federation ( Italian : Federazione Democratica , FD) was a regionalist social-democratic political party in Sardinia, Italy . It was launched in 1994 by members of the Italian Socialist Party , the Italian Democratic Socialist Party and the Italian Republican Party , after those parties were severely damaged by the Tangentopoli scandals. The leader of the new party was Antonello Cabras , a Socialist who had been President of Sardinia from 1991 to 1994. In the 1994 regional election FD won 5.2% of the vote and elected 4 regional deputies. In 1998 the party and other groups merged with the Democratic Party of the Left (PDS) to form the Democrats of the Left (DS), of which it became a regional faction. In the 1999 regional election , because of its political autonomy within the DS, FD presented an autonomous list and won 5.8% of the vote, electing 4 regional deputies. Since 1996 FD has been represented in the Italian Parliament by Antonello Cabras and by Giovanni Murineddu . When the DS merged into
The President of the Council of Ministers of the Italian Republic ( Italian : Presidente del Consiglio dei ministri della Repubblica Italiana), commonly referred to in Italy as Presidente del Consiglio and known in English as the Prime Minister of Italy , is the head of government of the Italian Republic . The office of Prime Minister is established by Articles 92 through to 96 of the Constitution of Italy . The Prime Minister is appointed by the President of the Republic after each general election and must have the confidence of the Parliament of Italy to stay in office. Prior to the establishment of the Italian Republic, the position was called "President of the Council of Ministers of the Kingdom of Italy" (Presidente del Consiglio dei ministri del Regno d'Italia). From 1925 to 1943 during the Fascist regime, the position was transformed into the dictatorial position of "Head of the Government, Prime Minister, Secretary of State" (Capo del Governo, Primo ministro, Segretario di Stato) held by Benito Muss
S.P.Q.R.: 2,000 and a Half Years Ago ( Italian : S.P.Q.R. - 2000 e ½ anni fa ) is a 1994 Italian comedy film directed by Carlo Vanzina and starring Leslie Nielsen . Plot In 71 BC in Rome , utter disorder reigns in the form of political corruption and bribery involving the senator Cynic ( Leslie Nielsen ). The situation is claimed to be similar to the "Tangentopoli" situation in Italy in the 1990s: one of the politicians involved was Bettino Craxi . Senator Caesar Atticus ( Christian De Sica ) is one of many to support the cruel and petty projects of Cynic, but the pair's reign does not last long, as the city sees the arrival of the prefect of Mediolanum ( Milan ) Antonio Servilio ( Massimo Boldi ). These claims that the law is deeply respected by everyone, and being part of the party of "Padania" ( Northern Italy ), considered as a real League's most political of Rome real arrant thieves. Caesar strives to break free from the hassles of Antonio, who initially proves to be a fiasco as an administrator of justi
Giorgio Napolitano , OMRI ( Italian: ; born 29 June 1925) is an Italian politician who was the 11th President of the Republic from 2006 to 2015, the only Italian President to be reelected to the Presidency. Due to his dominant position in Italian politics , critics often refer to him as Re Giorgio ("King George"). He is the longest serving President in the history of the modern Italian Republic , which has been in existence since 1946. Although the presidency is a nonpartisan office as guarantor of Italy's Constitution, Napolitano was a longtime member of the Italian Communist Party (and of its post-Communist social democratic successors, from the Democratic Party of the Left onwards). He was a leading member of a modernizing faction on the right of the party. First elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1953, he took an assiduous interest in parliamentary life, and was President of the Chamber of Deputies from 1992 to 1994. He was Minister of the Interior from 1996 to 1998 under Romano Prodi . Napolitano w
Fabio Corsico is an Italian manager. He was born in Turin on October 20, 1973 and graduated in Political Science. In 2011, he has been defined by the journalist Marianna Rizzini in the newspaper, Il Foglio , as one of the influencers under 40 in Italy. Career in public institutions In 1997, he worked for the Italian Ministry of Defense , Beniamino Andreatta , at the Department of Diplomatic Counseling and the Military Center for Strategic Studies . In 2001 he was Chief of Secretary of the Ministry of Economy and Finances Giulio Tremonti and member of the committee for the adoption of the Euro currency. Management activities From 1998 until 2001, he worked in Infostrada and later took the role director of Public Affairs. In the same years he represented the Italian Association for the Information Technology (Assinform) and the Italian Association for Industrial Policies. In 2003 he was Chief of Public and Territorial Affairs, of the relations with Confindustria of Enel . Since February 2005, he has been direct
Filippo Mancuso (22 July 1922 – 30 May 2011) was an Italian judge and politician. In 1995 he was Italy 's Minister of Justice in the government of Lamberto Dini . The Italian Senate voted a motion of no confidence against him and this fact was the first time during the republican period. The left wing and Lega Nord complained about the review of the Mani pulite pool during Tangentopoli . He was elected for the first time as deputy in Italian general election, 1996 with Forza Italia party and he was confirmed in the 2001 general elections . He left Forza Italia in 2002, because he was not elected to the Constitutional Court of Italy because of opposition of the left wing. Mancuso agreed with Silvio Berlusconi to nominate another person for the Supreme Court, possibly Mario Serio, but then Forza Italia denoted Romano Vaccarella , a close friend of Cesare Previti . After 2006 Mancuso retired to private life until his death References "E' morto Filippo Mancuso ministro sfiduciato "ad personam " " . La Repubblic
Francesco De Lorenzo (born June 5, 1938) was an Italian Liberal Party politician and physician. He was born in Naples . He was minister of health (1989–1993) in the Government of Italy . He served in the cabinet of Prime Minister Bettino Craxi (1986–1987), Giulio Andreotti (1989–1992) and Amato (1992–1993). He served in the Chamber of Deputies of Italy in Legislature IX (1983–1987), Legislature X (1987–1992) and Legislature XI (1992–1994). He was a central figure in the Tangentopoli bribery scandal uncovered by the Mani pulite investigations of the early 1990s. Publications Givol, D., De Lorenzo, F., Goldberger, R.F. and Anfinsen, C.B. Disulfide interchange and the three-dimensional structure of proteins. Proc. NatI. Acad. Sci. U.S.A., 53, 676, 1965 Steiner, RF., De Lorenzo, F. and Anfinsen, C.B. Enzymically catalyzed disulfide interchange in randomly crosslinked soybean trypsin inhibitor. J. Biol. Chem., 240, 4648, 1965 De Lorenzo, F., Goldberger, RF., Steers, E., Givol, D. and Anfinsen, C.B. Purification an
Benedetto Santapaola (born June 4, 1938), better known as Nitto is a prominent mafioso from Catania , the main city and industrial centre on Sicily 's east coast. His nickname is il cacciatore (the hunter), because of his passion for shooting game. He is currently in jail serving several life sentences. Early years Nitto Santapaola was born in the degraded neighbourhood of San Cristoforo, in Catania , into a poor family together with his brothers Salvatore, Antonino, Natale and numerous cousins, such as the Ferrera clan, the Ercolano clan and the Romeo clan, all members or associates of Cosa Nostra , and the future nucleus of the Santapaola-Ercolano Mafia family. At the beginning of the 1960s, Santapaola was introduced by his cousin Francesco Ferrera into the largest Mafia family of Catania, at the time under the command of Giuseppe Calderone . Santapaola’s first denunciation was in 1962 for theft and criminal conspiracy. In 1970 he was sent into internal exile and in 1975 he was denounced for cigarette smug
The 2006 Italian football scandal , or Calciopoli in the Italian-speaking world, involved Italy 's top professional football leagues, Serie A and Serie B . The scandal was uncovered in May 2006 by Italian police, implicating league champions Juventus and other major teams including Milan , Fiorentina , Lazio and Reggina when a number of illegal telephone interceptions showed a thick network of relations between team managers and referee organizations, being accused of rigging games by selecting favourable referees . Origins The scandal first came to light as a consequence of investigations of prosecutors on the Italian football agency GEA World . Transcripts of recorded telephone conversations published in Italian newspapers suggested that, during the 2004–05 season , Juventus general managers Luciano Moggi and Antonio Giraudo had conversations with several officials of Italian football to influence referee appointments. The name Calciopoli (which could be translated as "Footballville") is an ironic adaptati
Michele Santoro (born 2 July 1951) is an Italian journalist , and television host and presenter . He also served till October 2005 as Member of the European Parliament for Southern Italy with the Olive Tree , part of the Socialist Group and sat on the European Parliament 's Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs , being a substitute for the Committee on Culture and Education , a member of the Delegation to the EU - Russia Parliamentary Cooperation Committee and a substitute for the Delegation to the EU- Croatia Joint Parliamentary Committee. Education and career Santoro was born in Salerno . A graduate in Philosophy , he made a successful debut in the Italian media as editor-in-chief on the regional newspaper La Voce della Campania ("Voice of Campania") and collaborating with some other national newspapers and magazines like Il Mattino , L'Unità and Epoca . Before being hired by RAI , he had had some experience with a number of radio stations. He started his RAI career in TG3 , the Rai Tre new
This page gathers the results of elections in Veneto . Veneto has always been characterised by the big role played by the Catholic Church and centrist politics, but was also an early stronghold of the Radical Party and the Italian Socialist Party . In 1919, in the first election with male universal suffrage , the Catholic-inspired Italian People's Party won 42.6% of the vote and the Italian Socialist Party 36.2%. After World War II , Veneto was a stronghold of Christian Democracy , which was by far the largest party, successively won all the elections from 1946 to 1992 and continuously held the helm of the Regional Government from its establishment in 1970 to 1993. In 1994 the party was disbanded and its main successor, the new Italian People's Party , was much weaker. In the 1980s Veneto saw the rise of Venetian nationalism and Liga Veneta , a regionalist party which was a founding member of Lega Nord in 1991. Liga Veneta almost replaced Christian Democracy in its heartlands, but was not initially able to g
Forza Italia (translated to "Forward Italy" or "Let's Go Italy", FI ) was a centre-right political party in Italy with liberal-conservative , Christian-democratic , liberal and populist tendencies, as well as a significant social-democratic minority. Its leader was Silvio Berlusconi , four times Prime Minister of Italy . The party was founded in December 1993 and won its first general election soon afterwards in March 1994. It was the main member of the Pole of Freedoms / Pole of Good Government , Pole for Freedoms and House of Freedoms coalitions, and is considered (by both insiders and outsiders) to have been very different from the other Italian political parties. In November 2008 the National Council of the party, under the chairmanship of Alfredo Biondi , voted to merge Forza Italia into The People of Freedom (PdL), Berlusconi's new political vehicle, whose official foundation took place in March 2009. Throughout its existence, the party was characterised by a strong reliance on the personal imag
The following is a history of Milan , Italy . Antiquity Ruins of the Emperor's palace in Milan. Here Constantine I and Licinius issued the Edict of Milan . Around 400 BC, the Celtic Insubres settled Milan and the surrounding region. In 222 BC, the Romans conquered the settlement, renaming it Mediolanum . History tells us that Mediolanum (Milan), the Latinized form of Medhelanon, meaning "sanctuary", was founded by the Insubri Celts in 590 B.C. According to Titus Livy’s comments, the city was founded around 600 B.C. by Belloveso, chief of the Celtic tribe. Legend has it that Belloveso found a mythological animal known as the scrofa semilanuta (in Italian: "half-woollen boar") which became the ancient emblem of the city of Milan (from semi-lanuta or medio-lanum). Several ancient sources (including Sidonius Apollinaris, Datius, and, more recently, Andrea Alciato) have argued that the scrofa semilanuta is connected to the etymology of the ancient name of Milan, "Mediolanum", and this is still occasionally mentio
The Italian Social Movement ( MSI ), and later the Italian Social Movement – National Right ( Italian : Movimento Sociale Italiano – Destra Nazionale , MSI–DN), was a neo-fascist and post- fascist political party in Italy . Formed in 1946 by supporters of the former dictator Benito Mussolini , most of whom took part in the experience of the Italian Social Republic and the Republican Fascist Party , the MSI became the fourth largest party in Italy by the early 1960s. The party gave informal local and eventually national support to the Christian Democrats from the late 1940s and through the 1950s, sharing anti-communist ideologies. In the early 1960s, the party was pushed to the sidelines of Italian politics, and only gradually started to gain some political recognition in the 1980s. There was internal competition between the party's moderate and radical factions. The radicals led the party in its formative years under Giorgio Almirante , while the moderates gained control in the 1950s and 1960s. Almirante's re
The Federation of Italian Socialists (Federazione dei Socialisti Italiani, FSI) was a social-democratic political party in Italy . In January 1994 the Italian Socialist Party (PSI), severely hit by the Tangentopoli scandals, was in disarray. The new party secretary, Ottaviano Del Turco , led the party into the Alliance of Progressives , a left-wing coalition dominated by the post- communist Democratic Party of the Left (PDS), but a group of dissidents disagreed. On 28 January they left the PSI and formed the FSI. The new party included Franco Piro (secretary), Margherita Boniver (president), Ugo Intini and Maurizio Sacconi . In the 1994 general election the FSI formed a joint list with the Italian Democratic Socialist Party (PSDI), led by Enrico Ferri , and some independents, notably including Dacia Valent . The list obtained a mere 0.5% of the vote. In 1996 he FSI was merged into the Socialist Party (PS). Many leading members of the FSI (Boniver, Sacconi, etc.) later entered Silvio Berlusconi 's Forza I
The People of Freedom ( Italian : Il Popolo della Libertà , PdL ) was a centre-right political party in Italy . The PdL, launched by Silvio Berlusconi on 18 November 2007, was initially a federation of political parties, notably including Forza Italia and National Alliance , which participated as a joint election list in the 2008 general election . The federation was later transformed into a party during a party congress on 27–29 March 2009. The party's leading members included Angelino Alfano (national secretary), Renato Schifani , Renato Brunetta , Roberto Formigoni , Maurizio Sacconi , Maurizio Gasparri , Mariastella Gelmini , Antonio Martino , Giancarlo Galan , Maurizio Lupi , Gaetano Quagliariello , Daniela Santanchè , Sandro Bondi and Raffaele Fitto . The PdL formed Italy's government from 2008 to 2011 in coalition with Lega Nord . After having supported Mario Monti 's technocatic government in 2011–2012, the party was part of Enrico Letta 's government of grand coalition with the Democratic Party , Ci
Citizens of Milan elect every five years the Mayor of the city, presidents and members of 9 districts's assemblies and 48 members of the City Council , which controls Mayor's policy guidelines and is able to enforce his resignation by a motion of no confidence . Since 1993 the Mayor is elected directly by Milan 's electorate: in all mayoral elections in Italy in cities with a population higher than 15,000 the voters express a direct choice for the mayor or an indirect choice voting for the party of the candidate's coalition. If no candidate receives at least 50% of votes, the top two candidates go to a second round after two weeks. The election of the City Council is based on a direct choice for the candidate with a preference vote: the candidate with the majority of the preferences is elected. The number of the seats for each party is determined proportionally. All Milan residents who are 18 years and older, hold EU citizenship are eligible to vote for the districts' assemblies. In order to be eligible to vo
Giuliano Pisapia (born 20 May 1949) is an Italian lawyer and politician, twice member of the Parliament (from 1996 to 2006) and former Mayor of Milan . As a politician, he has been a member of two left-wings parties, first Proletarian Democracy and then the Communist Refoundation Party ; in Milan's mayoral election, he was endorsed by a large left-wing coalition, after winning the primary election of the Centre-left with the strong support of Nichi Vendola 's Left Ecology Freedom . As a lawyer, he participated in a number of notable trials with political implications, including that of PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan and the trial that followed the death of anti-global activist Carlo Giuliani , shot by the police during the 27th G8 summit . Biography Giuliano Pisapia is the son of lawyer Gian Domenico Pisapia , who has contributed to the definition of the Italian Code of Criminal Procedure of 1989. In the 1970s he joined Proletarian Democracy, a far-leftist party. He attended the Liceo classico "Giovanni Berchet"
US President Barack Obama meets with Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi . Italian Prime Minister Paolo Gentiloni with US President Donald Trump . Italy–United States relations are the bilateral relations between the Italian Republic and the United States of America. The United States has warm and friendly relations with Italy. The United States has had diplomatic representation in the nation of Italy and its predecessor nation, the Kingdom of Sardinia , since 1840. However, in 1891 the Italian government severed diplomatic relations and briefly contemplated war against the US as a response to the unresolved case of the lynching of eleven Italians in New Orleans , Louisiana, and there was a break in relations from 1941 to 1943, while Italy and the United States were at war. After World War II, Italy became a strong and active transatlantic partner which, along with the United States, has sought to foster democratic ideals and international cooperation in areas of strife and civil conflict. Toward this en
Political parties in Italy are numerous and there are hundreds of parties which are no longer active. Since World War II , no party has ever gained enough support to govern alone. Parties thus form political alliances and coalition governments . In the latest general election in 2013 , there were four major coalitions of political parties: the centre-left composed mainly of the Democratic Party and Left Ecology Freedom ; the centre-right composed mainly of The People of Freedom and the Northern League ; the anti-establishment Five Star Movement ; and a new centrist coalition built around Civic Choice . History Between 1945 and 1994, Italian politics was dominated by two major parties: Christian Democracy , the main party of government, and the Italian Communist Party , the main opposition party. The other opposition party was the post- fascist Italian Social Movement . During its almost fifty years in government, Christian Democracy chose its coalition partners among four parties: the Italian Socialist Party
The Italian Liberal Party ( Italian : Partito Liberale Italiano , PLI ) was a liberal and conservative political party in Italy . The PLI, which is the heir of the liberal currents of both the Historical Right and the Historical Left , was a minor party after World War II , but also a frequent junior party in government, especially since 1979. History Origins The origins of liberalism in Italy are in the Historical Right , a parliamentary group formed by Camillo Benso di Cavour in the Parliament of the Kingdom of Sardinia following the 1848 revolution . The group was moderately conservative and supported centralised government, restricted suffrage , regressive taxation , and free trade . They dominated politics following Italian unification in 1861 but never formed a party, basing their power on census suffrage and first-past-the-post voting system. The Right was opposed by the more progressive Historical Left , which overthrew Marco Minghetti 's government during the so-called "Parliamentary Revolution" of 1
Communion and Liberation ( CL ) is a lay ecclesial movement within the Catholic Church . History CL grew out of the educational and catechetical methods of Don Luigi Giussani , who founded the movement. Giussani developed these methods through his work within the Catholic youth association Gioventù Studentesca (GS, literally "Student Youth") born in 1954 at Berchet High School in Milan , where Giussani was a teacher. In its official literature, CL emphasizes its continuity with Gioventú Studentesca, to the extent that CL traces its founding to 1954 and celebrated 2004 as its fiftieth anniversary. However, the name "Communion and Liberation" was first used in 1969 among a group who were a minority of the former "giessini", or GS members. Although it remains primarily an Italian phenomenon, CL established an international presence during the pontificate of John Paul II and is present today in approximately eighty countries around the world, including the United States, with a particularly strong presence in Spa
Mario Merola (April 6, 1934 – November 12, 2006) was an Italian singer and actor, most prominently known for having rejuvenated the traditional popular Neapolitan melodrama known as the sceneggiata . He was nicknamed the King of the sceneggiata to be able to give this kind typically a regional and a national popularity and success unknown before, to make a film genre, representing all of this even off the stage, so being able to put a face to sceneggiata. Biography Born into a poor family of Naples , Merola held a number of day jobs ranging from kitchen help to longshoreman at the port of Naples until one of his songs, Malu Figliu, was used successfully in a sceneggiata, promoting him into the limelight. Merola was at the height of his popularity in the 1970s and 1980s. With the proceeds of the first vocal performances manages to marry Rosa Serrapiglia, April 5, 1964, with whom he had three children: Roberto (organizer of musical events), Loredana (housewife) and Francesco , singer, too, who in recent years h
Milan is one of the EU's and the world's major financial and business centres, with the Milan metropolitan area having a 2004 GDP of €241.2 billion (US$312.3 billion), which means that it has the European Union's 2nd highest GDP, wealthier than the Republic of Austria and 183 other countries. The city of Milan is the capital of the Lombardy Region, which has a 2013 GDP of €330 billion (US $550 billion ). It is also Europe 's most expensive city since 2015. Milan is the world's 11th most expensive city for expatriate employees, and its influence in fashion, commerce, business, banking, design, trade and industry make it an Alpha world city , as well as the world's 42nd most important in the Global Cities Index. Also, the city's hinterland is Italy's largest industrial area, and the FieraMilano fair is considered the largest in Europe. Milan, also, has Italy's highest GDP (per capita), about €35,137 (US$52,263), which is 161.6% of the EU average GDP per capita. Milan is also regarded as the true current fashi
Francesco Tatò (born in Lodi , Italy on 12 August 1932) is an Italian businessman. He is known as “Kaiser Franz” for the tough management methods he has used to achieve an economic turnaround at the many companies in which he has been appointed CEO over the years. The “Philosopher-Manager” is another, apparently contradictory, nickname, deriving from his early studies. He is married to Italian writer and television author and producer Sonia Raule. Education He obtained a philosophy degree from the University of Pavia , Ghislieri College , with a dissertation in theoretical philosophy on Max Weber; Enzo Paci was his dissertation advisor. Economically independent thanks to obtaining a scholarship, he decided to continue his education with two years of study in Munich and Münster, Germany; he then went on to study at Harvard, holding a Fulbright scholarship. Olivetti (1956-1990) In 1956, at the age of 24, he began his long rise through the ranks at the Olivetti Group , where for the first six months he worked o
High speed train ETR500 at Milan Central Station The Milan–Bologna high-speed railway is a railway line that links the cities of Milan and Bologna , part of the Italian high-speed rail network . It runs parallel to the historical north-south railway between Milan and Bologna, which itself follows the ancient Roman Road , the Via Aemilia . The new railway follows the Autostrada A1 closely for much of its length. The new line allows faster traffic to run separated and increase the overall railway capacity between the two cities. The line is part of Corridor 1 of the European Union 's Trans-European high-speed rail network , which connects Berlin to Palermo . The line is 214 kilometers long from the Milano Centrale to Bologna Centrale station , with trains taking about 1 hour and 5 minutes to cover the distance. The first section of the line on the outskirts of Milan was opened in 1997. A 15 km section between Bologna and Modena was opened for freight traffic in September 2006 and for passenger traffic in Octobe
The Istituto per la Ricostruzione Industriale (English: "Institute for Industrial Reconstruction"), best known by its acronym IRI , was an Italian public holding company established in 1933 by the Fascist regime to rescue, restructure and finance banks and private companies that went bankrupt during the Great Depression . After the Second World War , IRI played a pivotal role in the Italian economic miracle of the 1950s and 1960s. It was dissolved in 2000. History In 1930 the Great Depression affected the Italian financial sector, seriously disrupting credit lines and making it difficult for companies to obtain loans. The Fascist regime led by Benito Mussolini , fearing a credit crunch with subsequent mass dismissals and a wave of social unrest, started to take over the banks' stakes in large industrial companies (such as steel, weapons and chemicals). At the same time, Mussolini tried to inject capital into failing businesses. Although initially conceived as a temporary measure, IRI continued to operate thro
Meliorism was a wing of the Italian Communist Party . Its leader was Giorgio Napolitano , and counted among its number Gerardo Chiaromonte and Emanuele Macaluso . It was also referred to as the "right wing" of the Italian Communist Party, due to its more moderate views. Origins The name derives from the Italian verb migliorare (to improve), because its main goal was to improve the Italian capitalist system from the inside, by means of gradual reforms, according to a social democratic policy, rather than full-scale revolution. Its origins lay in the ideas of Giorgio Amendola , a prominent MP and member of the communist party during the period post- World War II , who thought about gradually abandoning Marxism in order to embrace social democratic and reformist theories. These ideas were suited to making alliances with more moderate left-wing parties, such as the Italian Socialist Party and the Italian Social Democratic Party . Meliorism received extensive derogatory treatment from the left wing of the Communis