Marcos Pérez Jiménez

Marcos Evangelista Pérez Jiménez (25 April 1914 – 20 September 2001) was a Venezuelan military and general officer of the Army of Venezuela and the leader of Venezuela from 1950 to 1958, ruling as unelected military strongman from 1948 to 1950 and as President from 1952 to 1958.

His ruling period is characterized by the rise of oil prices[1][2] facilitating public works achievements, thanks to the war in Korea.[3] He followed the previous programs to eradicate many of Venezuela's rapidly growing slums, but mainly in Caracas. During the governments of Juan Vicente Gómez, Eleazar López Contreras and Isaías Medina Angarita, were created these programs.[4][5][6][7] Pérez presided over one of the most repressive governments in Latin America. His government's National Security (Seguridad Nacional, secret police) was extremely repressive against critics who tried to overthrow him by planting bombs against him and ruthlessly hunted down and imprisoned those who opposed his rule.

As a result of the debts contracted by the dictatorship,[8] the discontent of the national private sector, the adverse position of the Catholic Church[9], the cruelty of the dictatorship[10], the massive demonstrations against repression by the government and the predicted economic crisis, Marcos Pérez Jiménez was deposed in a coup d'état by disgruntled sectors within the Armed Forces of Venezuela on January 23, 1958[11][9].. The expansion of the Venezuelan economy was based on the indebtedness of the Venezuelan nation and that was one of the causes of the economic crisis in Venezuela in the sixties[11], in which important projects such as the El Recreo Urban Center of Marcel Brauer on Casanova Avenue (Sabana Grande) were paralyzed. In the 1960s, the construction sector suffered a deep crisis as a result of the economic waste of the Pérez Jiménez government. The sectors that defend militarism have promoted the management of Pérez Jiménez, in order to delegitimize the Civil Power. Pérez Jiménez then went into exile in the Dominican Republic and the United States from where he was extradited from the city of Miami. Finally he resided in Spain under the protection of the Franco regime. The CIA report in 1961 states that the government of Marcos Pérez Jiménez generated the economic crisis that Venezuela experienced in the 1960s.[12]

Early life, education and early career

Marcos Evangelista Pérez Jiménez was born in Michelena, Táchira State. His father, Juan Pérez Bustamante, was a farmer; his mother, Adela Jiménez, a schoolteacher. Pérez Jiménez attended school in his home town and in Colombia, and in 1934, he graduated from the Military academy of Venezuela, at the top of his class. He subsequently studied at Chorrillos Military School in Peru.

In 1945, Pérez Jiménez participated in a coup that helped install the founder of the Democratic Action, Rómulo Betancourt, as President of the Revolutionary Government Junta. The government would later become known as El Trienio Adeco. After a constitutional change providing universal suffrage, elections were held in 1947 that resulted in the election of a party member, Romulo Gallegos.

1948 coup d'etat

Fears of cuts in pay for soldiers and a lack of modernized army equipment led Pérez Jiménez and Lt. Colonel Carlos Delgado Chalbaud to stage another coup in 1948. Betancourt and Gallegos were exiled, political parties were suppressed, and the Communist Party was once again banished by the Military Junta headed by Delgado Chalbaud, Luis Felipe Llovera Páez and Pérez Jiménez.

After a clumsily arranged kidnapping that ended in the murder of Delgado Chalbaud, the Military Junta changed its name to a Government Junta, and reorganized itself with Pérez Jiménez pulling the strings of puppet President, Germán Suárez Flamerich.

Presidency
A house of Marcos Pérez Jiménez that featured fountains, a pool, an elevator, an observatory and tunnels.

The junta called an election for 1952 in order to elect a Constituent Assembly that would elect a president and draft a new constitution. When early results showed that the opposition was well on its way to victory, the junta halted the count. On 2 December 1952, it released "final" results that showed the pro-junta "Independent Electoral Front" (FEI) winning a majority of assembly seats. On the same day, the junta dissolved itself and turned over power to the military, who then made Pérez provisional president. The Constitutional Assembly, comprising only FEI delegates after an opposition boycott, formally elected him president on 19 April 1953. Soon afterward, it enacted a constitution that gave the president virtually unlimited powers to take measures he deemed necessary to protect national security, peace and order.[13] For all intents and purposes, it transformed Pérez Jiménez' presidency into a legal dictatorship.

Pérez Jiménez (widely known as "P.J.") changed the name of the country, which had been "United States of Venezuela" since 1864, to the "Republic of Venezuela". This name remained until 1999, when it was changed to the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela by a Constitutional referendum. (Spanish: República Bolivariana de Venezuela.)

During his government, Pérez Jiménez undertook many infrastructure projects, including construction of roads, bridges, government buildings, large public housing complexes and the symbolic Humboldt Hotel & Tramway overlooking Caracas. Most of these projects had already been initiated by the governments of López Contreras, Medina Angarita and Trienio Adeco.[14][15] The economy of Venezuela developed rapidly during his term, but Perez Jimenez generated a huge debt that had to be paid by Rómulo Betancourt. The price for his "development" was really high.

Intolerant of criticism, Pérez and his government ruthlessly pursued and suppressed the opposition. Opponents of his regime were painted as communists[16] and often treated brutally.[17] On 12 November 1954, Pérez was awarded the Legion of Merit by the government of the United States.[18][19] Foreign capital and immigration were also highly promoted during his presidency, especially from European communities such as those of Spanish, Italian and Portuguese origin. The immigration started before, however. During the governments of Eleazar Lopez Contreras and Isaías Medina Angarita, large waves of immigrants had already been experienced. [20] In 1938, several ships of Jewish immigrants left Hamburg (Germany). Venezuela was the only country that received them, despite the threats of Hitler. Venezuelan laws prohibited López Contreras from accepting the entry of Jews, but López Contreras made the sacrifice of receiving the refugees.

According to some political scientists, the government of Marcos Pérez Jiménez could have been personalist [21]. In the last years of his government, Marcos Pérez Jiménez had stopped listening to his own Ministers, according to their statements[22].Pérez Jiménez did not listen to anyone, according to the confession of his Ministers. Public debt accumulated[23] and Pérez Jiménez changed the subject. The national businessmen were dissatisfied with their government, as a result of corruption, the bad conditions to make a business in Venezuela, the concessions of the transnationals, etc. It is still discussed whether the Pérez Jiménez government was nationalist or not. [24] According to IESA researchers, the government of Marcos Pérez Jiménez was not characterized by being a nationalist and liberal government[24]. Democratic sectors have pointed out that this was an authoritarian government, subservient to transnational corporations, undemocratic and not very liberal. [25] Pérez Jiménez defended himself in his book Frente a la Infamia, but avoids addressing the issue of public debt. [26] The most balanced sectors of national life have suggested that the government of Pérez Jiménez is the antecedent of the statism of democratic governments, although some media have created another opinion matrix. It is prudent to point out that statism had begun before Pérez Jiménez and this became the line of government from López Contreras. The 1947 constitution reaffirmed it. [27] It should be noted that state capitalism can be successful in some cases. The issue has been addressed from different perspectives.

Pérez Jiménez was up for reelection in 1957. By this time, the opposition had been so cowed that Pérez Jiménez could not possibly have been defeated. However, he dispensed with even those formalities. Instead, he held a plebiscite in which voters could only choose between voting "yes" or "no" to another term for the president. Predictably, Pérez Jiménez won by a large margin, though by all accounts the count was blatantly rigged.

Economy and the Venezuelan debtState interventionism

The government of Marcos Pérez Jiménez had strong elements of Keynesianism. During Pérez Jiménez's administration, the State intervened areas of the economy that were previously carried out by private companies. By September 1952, the CVF had - wholly or partially - electric power plants, a textile industry, a vegetable oil plant, a sugar plantation and refinery, farms, a diamond mine, silos, beef cattle and milk , milk pasteurization plants and canned fish companies. The national private sector did not have strong incentives to grow. [28] Although some sectors have promoted it as a government of liberal capitalism, the truth is that state capitalism was the economic line of government. The State was the great national shareholder of big hotel chains like Sheraton. The economic policies of Pérez Jímenez can be considered a precedent of those applied by subsequent democratic governments. [29] Most of the investments came from the United States of America and the transnationals of this country were the great beneficiaries of the economic measures adopted during their government.[28] National private entrepreneurs criticized Pérez Jiménez's government for its excessive intervention in the economy and for the privileges that transnationals had.[14] The CIA recognizes in its reports that the government of Pérez Jiménez caused the subsequent economic crisis of the 1960s.[30]

The economic indicators of Venezuela during the government of Marcos Pérez Jiménez showed growth in some sectors of the economy (construction), low inflation and high levels of employment, although the balance of payments and government finances showed a worrying fiscal disorder[31].Venezuela's debt grew more than 25 times and went from 175 million to more than 4 thousand 500 million dollars in just 5 years (approximately 40 billion dollars in 2018). The malaise for the debts of Venezuela reached the barracks and the national business. Pérez Jiménez responded that: "there is no debt, but commitments". The Finance Minister failed to convince Pérez Jiménez to order the cancellation of debts.[32] As of January 14, 1958, the Venezuelan business community decided to divorce itself completely from the regime, nine days before the final collapse. [31] Fiduciary currencies lose value over time. It is not the same to talk about a dollar of 1958, that of a dollar in 2018. There are calculators that estimate the purchasing power of the dollar spent today.

Venezuelan debt

The expansion of the Venezuelan economy was based on the indebtedness of the Venezuelan nation and that was one of the causes of the economic crisis in Venezuela in the 1960s[33], in which important projects such as the Urban Center El Recreo de Marcel Brauer on Avenida Casanova (Sabana Grande) were paralyzed.[34] Under the doctrine of the "New National Ideal" was carried out the continuity of the modernization project of Venezuela, based on what had been previously planned by Juan Vicente Gómez (the Modern State father in a Weberian sense in Venezuela), Eleazar López Contreras and Isaías Medina Angarita, going from having rural populations to being one of the references of modernism in Latin America[33].

The 1950s have been considered an economic bubble that was based on oil production and public works construction[23][35][15]. Oil production went from 1.80 million barrels per day (quoted at 2.14 dollars) to 2.77 million barrels per day (quoted at 2.65 dollars), according to data from the Ministry of Energy and Mines. In turn According to the Statistics Division of the United Nations in its Statistical Yearbook of 1964, the growth of the Venezuelan economy from 1952 to 1958 was the highest in the Western Hemisphere, above powers such as the United States, and the United Kingdom. It should be noted that, most economies that grow at very high rates without having experienced a war, may be experiencing some kind of economic bubble. The ambitious program of public works and investments in basic industries had a cost that exceeded the fiscal availabilities. Public credit was not used formally and a high floating debt was incurred, derived more than anything from back payments from public works contractors and, on the other, in strong commitments made by autonomous institutes and companies of the State through the issuance of titles and promissory notes.[23] Venezuela did not have the ideal rate of economic growth.

Venezuela's growth was not sustainable in this period. The debt of private construction companies had grown disproportionately and that was one of the reasons that led to Marcos Pérez Jiménez's departure from power. The finances of many construction companies felt the imminence of a bankruptcy. The government had to go to the autumn of new oil concessions in 1956 and 1957 to solve the financial difficulties and the huge debt that had been incurred. Thanks to these concessions, the Government received 2.188 billion bolivars as tax revenue and that allowed it to mitigate the effects of Venezuela's deteriorating fiscal situation. Fred Levy noted that the balance of payments and government finances were evidence of the fiscal disorder of the dictatorship.[36]

Venezuelan bolivar

Some Venezuelan journalists have pointed out that the Venezuelan bolivar came to be worth more than the US dollar, but this has been refuted by economists, academics and researchers. According to some notes published in the news website Caraota Digital, the Venezuelan bolivar became the first reserve currency in the world and surpassed the US dollar [37]. According to data from Central Bank of Venezuela [38] and the National Academy of Economic Sciences[39][40] , between 1953 and 1957 Venezuela had a fixed official exchange of 3.35 Bs. Per US dollar. The annual reports of the Bank for International Settlements also confirm that the Venezuelan currency never came to be worth more than the US dollar.[41] This suggests that, it has been an urban legend that the bolivar came to surpass the US dollar.[42] What is certain is that the Venezuelan currency had greater stability. It should be noted that the controls on the Venezuelan currency already existed and that is why the exchange rate was set by the Central Bank of Venezuela. The exchange rate was not floating and fixed by the markets. [40] The economist Pedro Palma calls this scheme the system of fixed and differentiable exchange rates (1941-1960).

Ciudad Vacacional Los Caracas

The Ciudad Vacacional Los Caracas was originally an agricultural community for the leprosy patients that had to be isolated, as part of the Sanitary Plans of the Ministry of Health. Marcos Pérez Jiménez changed his use and turned the Colonia Agrícola-Leprosario into a holiday town, harming the sick. [43] Actually, this was a project of the government of Isaías Medina Angarita, but the propaganda apparatus of the government of Marcos Pérez Jiménez has sold it as his own. The change of destiny of the agricultural community was one of the greater gestures of cruelty of Marcos Pérez Jiménez.

Originally, the conception of the Agricultural-Leprosarium Colony of Los Caracas, pursued from the beginning the integration of its inhabitants with the natural environment, in a symbiosis of urban life inserted in the middle of a nature with minimal intervention of man. Both in its origin as a care center for Hansen's disease or leprosy, and in its transformation into a holiday resort, this semi-utopian ambition of its planners is present, which coincided with the old western nineteenth-century ambition to harmonize city and nature. The government of Marcos Pérez Jiménez gave priority to recreation, beautification of cities and tourism. Health was not a priority for Pérez Jiménez. [43]

Also, the government was characterized by excessive repression of dissent. The historian Manuel Vicente Magallanes, prisoner of the dictatorship, told that in the National Security premises of the whole republic the political prisoners were subjected to the following forms of torture: ice chamber, ring, blows with steel balls, electric headbands , planks, tortoles and other refined forms of physical abuse. At that time, Plaza Colón of Los Caobos neighborhood was the epicenter of the student protests. In the celebration of the day of the race in 1951, several Venezuelans who fought for freedom were captured: José Amin, Miguel Astor Martínez, Antonio Avila Barrios, Francisco Barrios, Federico was, Gerardo was, Luis José was, Dario Hernández, Manuel Vicente Magallanes, Eloy Martínez Méndez, Meza Espinosa Salon and Juan Regalado. This group was known as "The Twelve Apostles", for having been 12 people arrested in the demonstrations on October 12. The twelve apostles were forced to stand together for three days, deprived of doing the most elementary needs. Then, each one was tortured in a personalized way. [44]

Infrastructure projectsContinuity of infrastructure projects

The media and the "perezjimenista" propaganda apparatus have spread that Pérez Jiménez carried out the great works in infrastructure that exist today in Venezuela[45], but that has not been supported by the great academies, chambers of commerce, universities and national associations[46][47]. It has been suggested that the merit that Pérez Jiménez has received should be shared between the previous and subsequent governments, since most of the public works he executed had not been planned by him. Neither Pérez Jiménez initiated the construction of these works and the distribution of merit according to the contribution of each government has been unfair.. [47] President Marcos Pérez Jiménez gave continuity to the Venezuelan modernization project, previously planned by Eleazar López Contreras, Isaías Medina Angarita and the Triennium. As Juan Martín Frechilla points out, the Rotival Plan had been planned before Pérez Jiménez and was executed in the governments of López Contreras and Isaías Medina Angarita. The construction of the Simón Bolívar Center Towers began in the 1940s, but they were completed by Pérez Jiménez. It is possible to emphasize that, some works initiated by him, were culminated by Rómulo Betancourt, like the Cable car of Mérida. [47]

The works of the government of Marcos Pérez Jiménez were the following:

  • Paseo Los Próceres.
  • Hotel Humboldt
  • Neighborhood 2 de Diciembre, Ciudad Tablitas, Artigas, Lomas de Urdaneta, Propatria, etc.

Projects that were culminated by the democratic governments, after the military government of Pérez Jiménez:

  • Teleférico de Mérida. Culminated by Rómulo Betancourt, in spite of the economic crisis that generated the debt of Pérez Jiménez.
  • The Rinconada Racetrack.

Some of the projects that were planned and started by Eleazar López Contreras, Isaías Medina Angarita and the Adeco Triennium, but that Pérez Jiménez continued:

  • Caracas - La Guaira Highway.
  • Simón Bolívar Center and Torres del Silencio
  • Regional Highway of the Center.
  • Valle-Coche highway.
  • Urdaneta Avenue.
  • Francisco de Miranda Avenue.
  • Libertador Avenue.
  • Francisco Fajardo Highway
  • Caracas Cable Car
  • Military Circle of Caracas.
  • The University City of Caracas (executed between 1944 and 1970).

Projects of previous governments, but that Pérez Jiménez changed its use:

  • The Vacational City "Los Caracas", formerly a community for leprosy patients. Pérez Jiménez damaged them when he turned it into a vacation town.
Cabinet (1952–1958)
Removal from power

The first public demonstration against the Pérez Jiménez regime occurred on March 27, 1957. Aaron Copland had come to Caracas to conduct the first Venezuelan performance of his Lincoln Portrait. A New York Times reviewer said it had a "magical effect" on the audience. As Copland recalled, "To everyone's surprise, the reigning dictator, who had rarely dared to be seen in public, arrived at the last possible moment." On that evening actress Juana Sujo performed the spoken-word parts of the piece. When she spoke the final words, "...that government of the people, by the people, for the people (del pueblo, por el pueblo y para el pueblo) shall not perish from the earth," the audience rose and began cheering and shouting so loudly that Copland could not hear the remainder of the music. He continued, "It was not long after that the dictator was deposed and fled from the country. I was later told by an American foreign service officer that the Lincoln Portrait was credited with having inspired the first public demonstration against him. That, in effect, it had started a revolution."[49][50]

Statue of Marcos Pérez Jiménez in Michelena, Táchira

In January 1958 there was a general uprising, leading to the 1958 Venezuelan coup d'état that deposed Pérez; with rioting in the streets, he left the country, paving the way for the establishment of the Punto Fijo Pact.

Post-presidency

Pèrez fled to the United States, where he lived until 1963, when he was extradited to Venezuela on charges of embezzling $200 million during his presidential tenure. The 1959–63 extradition of Perez, related to Financiadora Administradora Inmobiliaria, S.A., one of the largest development companies in South America, and other business connections, is considered by academicians to be a classic study in the precedent for enforcement of administrative honesty in Latin American countries.[51]

Upon arrival in Venezuela he was imprisoned until his trial, which did not take place for another five years. Convicted of the charges, his sentence was commuted as he had already spent more time in jail while he awaited trial. He was then exiled to Spain. In 1968, he was elected to the Senate of Venezuela for the Nationalist Civic Crusade, but his election was contested, and he was kept from taking office. A quick law was passed whereby former prisoners were excluded from participating in the governmental process.

He died in Alcobendas, Madrid, Spain, at the age of 87 on 20 September 2001.

Legacy and controversyThe admiration of Hugo Chávez

On April 25, 2010, former President Hugo Chávez commented on his program Aló Presidente: "I think that General Pérez Jiménez was the best president that Venezuela had in a long time. (...) It was better than Rómulo Betancourt, it was better I'm not going to name them (...) They hated him because he was a soldier. " He also added: "Look, if it had not been for General Pérez Jiménez, do you think we would have Fuerte Tiuna, the Academy, EFOFAC, the Military Circle, Paseo Los Próceres, Caracas-La Guaira highway, the superblocks of 23 de Enero, the highway of the Center, the Cableway of Caracas, Guri? ", asked.[52]

New National Ideal

The period of Pérez Jiménez in power is remembered historically as a government of nationalist roots. His government was based on an ideological pragmatism characterized by the Doctrine of National Well, that the regime expressed in the New National Ideal would be the philosophical beacon to guide the actions of the government.

His political legacy known perezjimenismo was upheld by the Cruzada Cívica Nacionalista (CCN; Nationalist Civic Crusade) party, which held seats in Congress from 1968 to 1978. In recent years there has been a revival of perezjimenismo and the New National Ideal, with numerous groups revising and upholding the legacy of Marcos Pérez Jiménez.[53][54]

Time magazine

In 1955, Time Magazine had on its cover Marcos Pérez Jiménez and the balance on its management was regular. Time Magazine talked about the economic boom that Venezuela experienced as a result of its oil production and the growth of the construction sector, but also mentioned the growing debt of the South American country and the social problems it faced. [55] According to Time Magazine, government obligations in foreign currency were not canceled when due. Venezuela did not pay its commitments on time. Time Magazine denounced that the public debt in the dependencies of the Government continued its ascending course, without it was seen an effort to control it. Investors could not calculate the amount of that public debt.

In this period the construction of the main communication routes in the country was advanced, which united both the west, center and east of the country, as well as industrial conglomerates and great monuments. It should be noted that most of the works were already planned from the government of Eleazar López Contreras, Isaías Medina Angarita and Trienio Adeco, so the merit must be shared among several governments. [56] The democratic governments finished paying the debts contracted, although the sectors that defend the militarism have refused to recognize it.

Personal life

Pérez had four daughters with his wife, Flor Chalbaud.[57]

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  54. Grupo Perezjimenista: "Hay complicidad entre MUD y Psuv"
  55. "VENEZUELA: Skipper of the Dreamboat". Time Magazine. 1955.
  56. Stambouli, Andrés (2009). La política extraviada: Una historia de Medina a Chávez. Fundación para la Cultura Urbana. p. 97.
  57. "Benevolent Dictator Finally Loses Post". The Wilmington News. 24 (9). Wilmington, North Carolina. AP. 23 January 1958. p. 26. Retrieved 4 May 2015.
External links
Political offices
Preceded byGermán Suárez Flamerich President of Venezuela 1952–1958 Succeeded byWolfgang Larrazábal
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Marcos Pérez Jiménez

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Marcos Pérez Jiménez

Marcos Evangelista Pérez Jiménez (25 April 1914 – 20 September 2001) was a Venezuelan military and general officer of the Army of Venezuela and the leader of Venezuela from 1950 to 1958, ruling as unelected military strongman from 1948 to 1950 and as President from 1952 to 1958. His ruling period is characterized by the rise of oil prices[1][2] facilitating public works achievements, thanks to the war in Korea.[3] He followed the previous programs to eradicate many of Venezuela's rapidly growing slums, but mainly in Caracas. During the governments of Juan Vicente Gómez, Eleazar López Contreras and Isaías Medina Angarita, were created these programs.[4][5][6][7] Pérez presided over one of the most repressive governments in Latin America. His government's National Security (Seguridad Nacional, secret police) was extremely repressive against critics who tried to overthrow him by planting bombs against him and ruthlessly hunted down and imprisoned those who opposed his rule. As a result of the debts contracted ...more...

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23 de Enero

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23 de Enero

23 de Enero is a parish located in the Libertador Bolivarian Municipality west of the city of Caracas, Venezuela. The parish receives its name from the date of the 1958 Venezuelan coup d'état which overthrew dictator Marcos Pérez Jiménez. HistoryMarcos Pérez Jiménez government In the early 1950s, under the government of General Marcos Pérez Jiménez a Housing Unit apartments designed by architect Guido Bermúdez on the model of "Cité Radieuse" Swiss Le Corbusier, also used in the Unit was built Housing Tlatelolco (Mexico) with apartments that were granted to the population of middle and lower classes of Caracas. Initially "Urbanization December 2" would be called (in commemoration of the coup by Marcos Pérez Jiménez). However, the current name was assigned by his successor, Rómulo Betancourt, with the date January 23 (23 de enero) commemorating the overthrow of the general and marking beginning of democracy in Venezuela. In 1966 it was decided to separate 23 de Enero from the Sucre Parish and place it under t ...more...

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Slums in South America

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1958 Venezuelan coup d'état

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1958 Venezuelan coup d'état

The 1958 Venezuelan coup d'état took place on 23 January 1958, when the dictator Marcos Pérez Jiménez was overthrown. A transition government under first Adm. Wolfgang Larrazábal and then Edgar Sanabria was put in place until December 1958 elections saw Democratic Action candidate Rómulo Betancourt elected and take office on 13 February 1959. One of Caracas' neighbourhoods, Barrio 23 de Enero (23 January neighbourhood), is named for the event. Events On 23 January 1958, a civilian-military movement overthrew the government of Gen. Marcos Pérez Jiménez. Events leading to the coup had been building up for months. Popular unrest The first open demonstration against the regime occurred on 27 March 1957, at a performance of Aaron Copland's Lincoln Portrait directed by the composer. Fiery actress Juana Sujo read the text in Spanish translation in the presence of Pérez Jiménez. Near the conclusion, as Sujo quoted from the Gettysburg Address, the audience cheered her and began shouting against the president so vo ...more...

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Wolfgang Larrazábal

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Wolfgang Larrazábal

Rear Admiral Wolfgang Enrique Larrazábal Ugueto (Spanish pronunciation: ; 5 March 1911 – 27 February 2003) was a Venezuelan naval officer and politician. He served as 52nd President of Venezuela following the overthrow of Marcos Pérez Jiménez on 23 January 1958. He resigned later that year to run in the 1958 presidential election, but lost to former president Rómulo Betancourt. See also Presidents of Venezuela List of Venezuelans References (in Spanish) Wolfgang Larrazábal – Official biography. (in Spanish) Wolfgang Larrazábal Political offices Preceded byMarcos Pérez Jiménez President of Venezuela 1958 Succeeded byEdgar SanabriaInterim Party political offices Preceded byNone URD presidential candidate 1958 (lost) Succeeded byJóvito Villalba ...more...

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Presidents of Venezuela

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El Helicoide

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El Helicoide

El Helicoide. El Helicoide is a building in Caracas, Venezuela, located in Roca Tarpeya between the parishes of San Pedro and San Agustín, in the extension of the avenues Armed Forces, President Medina Angarita and Nueva Granada. It has the shape of a three-sided pyramid and is built on a hill. It serves as the headquarters of the Bolivarian National Intelligence Service (SEBIN). History Its construction was undertaken by a private company during the government of then president Marcos Pérez Jiménez in 1956. The first stage of work was completed in 1961. It was designed by the architects Pedro Neuberger, Dirk Bornhorst and Jorge Romero Gutiérrez. The idea included a commercial center and exhibition of industries, a 5-star hotel, a park, a club of owners and on the seventh level a show palace. The building would include a 4 km long ramp spiralling around the hill, allowing vehicles to enter the building and park in it. Construction of the building came to a halt in 1961 due to budget problems. That same ...more...

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Venezuela

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Marita Lorenz

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Marita Lorenz

Ilona Marita Lorenz (born August 18, 1939) is a German-born American woman who had an affair with Fidel Castro in 1959 and in January 1960 was involved in an assassination attempt by the CIA on Castro's life. In the 1970s and 1980s, she testified about the John F. Kennedy assassination, stating that she was involved with a group of anti-Cuban militants, Frank Sturgis of the CIA, and E. Howard Hunt of CIA and Watergate infamy shortly before the assassination. Early life She was born Ilona Marita Lorenz in Bremen, the daughter of Alice June (née Lofland) and Heinrich Lorenz. She has a sister, Valerie, and two brothers, Joachim and Manfred "Philip".[1] Her father was a German maritime commercial ship captain; and her mother, who was born in Delaware, was an actress and dancer who performed under the stage name June Paget.[2] Her mother was accused of helping forced laborers in Bremen escape, and Marita and her mother were incarcerated in the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp. Freed after the war, she spent som ...more...

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People associated with the John F. Kennedy assa...

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Pérez

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Pérez

Pérez or Perez, as most commonly written in English, is a Spanish and Jewish surname popular among people of Sephardic Jewish descent. Origins The surname with Spanish origins, written in Spanish orthography as Pérez, is a patronymic surname meaning "son of Pero or Pedro (Peter)". The surname has a Portuguese counterpart with the same meaning and etymology, Peres, written with a final "s" instead of "z" and without the accent. The surname with a Hebrew origin is transliterated into English as either Perez or Peretz, and is derived from the Hebrew given name פרץ (cf. Genesis 38:29), after the biblical character Perez (son of Judah), which in Hebrew means "to breach" or "to burst forth". That biblical character's Hebrew name, however, is transliterated as Farés in the Spanish Christian Bible. Neither the Spanish nor the Hebrew surname corresponds to one single lineage. Instead, both correspond to many unrelated lineages. Additionally, while the Spanish and Hebrew etymological origins are distinct, there are ...more...

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Flor María Chalbaud

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Flor María Chalbaud

Flor María Chalbaud Castro (b. July 3, 1921) is one of the founders of the Bolivarian Ladies Society and was First Lady of Venezuela between December 2, 1952 and January 23, 1958. Biography On February 4, 1945, Chalbaud married General Marcos Pérez Jiménez, and was First Lady of Venezuela during his presidency between December 2, 1952 and January 23, 1958.[1] She was first cousin of president Lieutenant Colonel Carlos Delgado Chalbaud. During the presidency of Pérez Jiménez, she was best known in the national media for her role at official diplomatic events in which she presided or took part with the formal name "Doña Flor María Chalbaud Cardona de Pérez Jiménez".[2] President Lieutenant Colonel Carlos Delgado Chalbaud, president of the Government Military Junta. Chalbaud took part in the creation of the Bolivarian Ladies Society, which from then on was customarily led by the Venezuelan first lady. The goal of the organization was to "guarantee by all means possible the assistance of Venezuelan mother ...more...

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Marcos (given name)

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Marcos (given name)

Marcos is a Portuguese and Spanish masculine given name of Latin origin derived from the name Marcus. Markos is the Greek equivalent. Marcos or Markos may refer to: Sports Marcos Ambrose, Australian racing driver Marcos Armas, Venezuela-born American baseball player Marcos Assunção, Brazilian football player Marcos Baghdatis, Cypriot tennis player and 2006 Australian Open finalist Marcos Carvajal, Venezuela-born American baseball player Marcos Daniel, Brazilian tennis player Marcos Evangelista de Moraes, Brazilian football player better known as Cafu Marcos Llorente, Spanish football player Marcos Martinez Ucha, Spanish racing car driver Marcos Milinkovic, Argentine volleyball player Marcos Ondruska, South African tennis player Marcos Painter, Irish football player Marcos Paquetá, Brazilian football player Marcos Pizzelli, Brazilian-Armenian footballer Marcos Roberto Silveira Reis, a Brazilian goalkeeper from Palmeiras. Marcos Sanchez, Ecuador-born American baseball player ...more...

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List of Presidents of Venezuela

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List of Presidents of Venezuela

The Miraflores Palace is the president's official workplace, the center of the administration, and a prominent symbol of the office. Under the Venezuelan Constitution, the President of Venezuela is the head of state and head of government of Venezuela. As chief of the executive branch and face of the government as a whole, the presidency is the highest political office in the country by influence and recognition. The president is also the commander-in-chief of the National Bolivarian Armed Forces of Venezuela. The president is directly elected through a popular vote to a six-year term. Since the 2009 constitutional referendum, any person can be elected to the office an indefinite number of times. Upon the death, resignation, or removal from office of an incumbent president, the vice president assumes the office. The president must be at least 30 years of age, and has to be a "natural born" citizen of Venezuela, and cannot possess any other citizenship. This list includes only those persons who were sworn i ...more...

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Germán Suárez Flamerich

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Germán Suárez Flamerich

Germán Suárez Flamerich (10 April 1907 – 24 June 1990) was the 50th President of Venezuela from 1950 to 1952. Flamerich was a lawyer, college professor, diplomat, and politician.[1] He was president of the "Junta de Gobierno" 1950-1952, after the assassination of Carlos Delgado Chalbaud. Biography His parents were J.M. Suárez and Clorinda Flamerich. He graduated from the Liceo Caracas high school, and then from the Universidad Central de Venezuela. As a college student, he participated in the protests against the dictatorship of Gómez of the "Semana del Estudiante" in February 1928. For this he was sent to jail in April 1928, and back again from October to December 1929. In 1931, Suárez Flamerich got a Ph.D. in Political Science and Law. He then became a Civil Law professor at the Universidad Central de Venezuela (1936-1941). In 1945 he was named the Dean of the School of Law, serving until 1947. He was president ad honorem of the price-control commission (1940-1941), and a congressional representative for ...more...

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People from Caracas

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Jiménez (surname)

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Jiménez (surname)

See below for disambiguation of the names Jiménez and Ximenes Jiménez (archaic forms, Ximénez or Ximenes; Galician and Portuguese: Ximenes, Catalan: Ximenis or Eiximenis) is a surname of Iberian origin, first appearing in the Basque lands. [2] Jiménez is a patronymic construction from the modern-styled given name Jimeno, plus the Spanish suffix -ez, meaning "son [of]". The root appears to stem from Basque semen ('son'), attested in the Aquitanian inscriptions as Sembeconnis and like forms. Variants of the surname include the archaic Ximénez, Ximenes, as well as Giménez, Gimenes, Jimenes, Chiménez, Chimenes, Seménez and Semenes. In Spanish orthography, the variations of Jiménez that end with a z are written with an acute accent on the second syllable. In English, all variations are commonly written without the diacritic. In Portuguese orthography, there is no diacritic used for Ximenes. Spelling As the modern name Ximenes has an -es suffix, it is almost certainly of Portuguese, Galician or Old Spanish orig ...more...

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Carlos Delgado Chalbaud

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Carlos Delgado Chalbaud

Carlos Román Delgado Chalbaud Gómez (20 January 1909 – 13 November 1950) was a Venezuelan career military officer. He was the President of Venezuela from 1948 to 1950 as leader of a military junta. In 1945, he was one of the high-ranking officers who brought to power the Democratic Action party by a coup d'état. In 1948, as a Minister of Defence, he led another military coup and lingered as the President until his assassination in Caracas. Early life Delgado Chalbaud was the son of Román Delgado Chalbaud (grandson of a French immigrant and great-grandson of Andalusian colonist) and Luisa Elena Gómez Velutini (of Corsican descent). He was known as Carlos Delgado Chalbaud because he used the last name of his father Román Delgado Chalbaud as a tribute to his memory. When he was 20, he approached the cruiser Falke in the port of Danzig (Poland). It landed on the coasts of Cumaná on 11 August, 1929, with the purpose to overthrow the strongman Juan Vicente Gomez. In this failed operation his father Román commandan ...more...

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1948 Venezuelan coup d'état

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1948 Venezuelan coup d'état

The 1948 Venezuelan coup d'état took place on 24 November 1948, when Carlos Delgado Chalbaud, Marcos Pérez Jiménez and Luis Felipe Llovera Páez overthrew the elected president Rómulo Gallegos. Gallegos had been elected in the Venezuelan presidential election, 1947 (generally believed to be the country's first honest election) and taken office in February 1948. Chalbaud had been Gallegos' Minister of Defense. Democracy would not be restored until the 1958 Venezuelan coup d'état overthrew the dictator Marcos Pérez Jiménez. References á ...more...

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Conflicts in 1948

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History of Venezuela (1958–99)

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History of Venezuela (1958–99)

Venezuela saw ten years of military dictatorship from 1948 to 1958. After the 1948 Venezuelan coup d'état brought an end to a three-year experiment in democracy ("El Trienio Adeco"), a triumvirate of military personnel controlled the government until 1952, when it held presidential elections. These were free enough to produce results unacceptable to the government, leading them to be falsified and to one of the three leaders, Marcos Pérez Jiménez, assuming the Presidency. His government was brought to an end by the 1958 Venezuelan coup d'état, which saw the advent of democracy with a transitional government under Admiral Wolfgang Larrazábal in place until the December 1958 elections. Prior to the elections, three of the main political parties, Acción Democrática, COPEI and Unión Republicana Democrática, with the notable exclusion of the Communist Party of Venezuela, signed up to the Punto Fijo Pact power-sharing agreement. This period was characterised by the alternation of political power established in the ...more...

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History of Venezuela (1948–58)

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History of Venezuela (1948–58)

Venezuela saw ten years of military dictatorship from 1948 to 1958. After the 1948 Venezuelan coup d'état brought an end a three-year experiment in democracy ("El Trienio Adeco"), a triumvirate of military personnel controlled the government until 1952, when it held presidential elections. These were free enough to produce results unacceptable to the government, leading them to be falsified, and to one of the three leaders, Marcos Pérez Jiménez, assuming the Presidency. His government was brought to an end by the 1958 Venezuelan coup d'état which saw the advent of democracy, with a transition government under Admiral Wolfgang Larrazábal in place until the December 1958 elections. Prior to the elections, three of the main political parties (with the notable exclusion of the Communist Party of Venezuela) signed up to the Punto Fijo Pact power-sharing agreement. Background El Trienio Adeco was a three-year period in Venezuelan history, from 1945 to 1948, under the government of the marxist social democracy part ...more...

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History of Venezuela by period

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Venezuela

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Venezuela

Venezuela ( ( listen) VEN-ə-ZWAYL-ə; American Spanish: ), officially denominated Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela (Spanish: República Bolivariana de Venezuela),[7][note 1] is a federal republic on the northern coast of South America, consisting of a continental land and a large number of small islands and islets in the Caribbean Sea, whose capital and largest urban agglomeration is the city of Caracas. It has a territorial extension of 916,445 km2 (353,841 sq mi). The continental territory is bordered on the north by the Caribbean Sea and the Atlantic Ocean, on the west by Colombia, Brazil on the south, Trinidad and Tobago to the north-east and on the east by Guyana. With this last country, the Venezuelan Government maintains a claim for Guayana Esequiba over an area of 159,542 km2 (61,600 sq mi). For its maritime areas, it exercises sovereignty over 71,295 km2 (27,527 sq mi) of territorial waters, 22,224 km2 (8,581 sq mi) in its contiguous zone, 471,507 km2 (182,050 sq mi) of the Caribbean Sea and the Atlant ...more...

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Democratic Action (Venezuela)

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Democratic Action (Venezuela)

Democratic Action (Spanish: Acción Democrática, AD) is a Venezuelan centrist political party established in 1941. The party and its antecedents played an important role in the early years of Venezuelan democracy and led the government during Venezuela's first democratic period (1945–1948). After an intervening decade of dictatorship (1948–1958) saw AD excluded from power, four presidents came from Acción Democrática from the 1960s to the 1990s. By the end of the 1990s, the party's credibility was almost nonexistent, mostly because of the corruption and poverty that Venezuelans experienced during the last two full-term administrations of the party's time in power, namely those of Jaime Lusinchi (1984–1989) and Carlos Andrés Pérez (1989–1993). The latter president was impeached for corruption in 1993 and spent several years in prison as a result. Since the 1998 election of Hugo Chávez, a range of newer parties (such as A New Era and Justice First) have been more prominent in opposition to Chávez. In the 2015 ...more...

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Socialist International

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Communist Party of Venezuela

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Communist Party of Venezuela

The Communist Party of Venezuela (Spanish: Partido Comunista de Venezuela, PCV) is a communist party and the oldest continuously existing party in Venezuela. It remained the main leftist political party in Venezuela from its foundation in 1931 until it split into rival factions in 1971. Unlike other communist parties it uses a rooster in its logo. History The PCV was founded in 1931 as a clandestine organization during the military dictatorship of Juan Vicente Gómez. It was initially led by Juan Bautista Fuenmayor and Francisco José "Kotepa" Delgado. The PCV became the Venezuelan affiliate of the Communist International. A forerunner of the PCV, the Venezuelan Revolutionary Party, had been founded in exile in Mexico in 1926 and attempted a rebellion in Venezuela in 1929. The PCV remained an illegal organization until 1941, when it entered into an alliance with the progressive military regime of Isaías Medina Angarita, following orders from Comintern for communist parties throughout the world to support gove ...more...

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Comintern sections

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Rómulo Gallegos

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Rómulo Gallegos

Rómulo Ángel del Monte Carmelo Gallegos Freire (2 August 1884 – 5 April 1969)[1][2][3] was a Venezuelan novelist and politician. For a period of some nine months during 1948, he was the first cleanly elected president in his country's history. Early life and writings Rómulo Gallegos was born in Caracas to Rómulo Gallegos Osío and Rita Freire Guruceaga, into a family of humble origin. He began his work as a schoolteacher, writer, classical music enthusiast, and journalist in 1903. His novel Doña Bárbara was first published in 1929, and it was because of the book's criticisms of the regime of longtime dictator Juan Vicente Gómez that he was forced to flee the country. He took refuge in Spain, where he continued to write: his acclaimed novels Cantaclaro (1934) and Canaima (1935) date from this period. He returned to Venezuela in 1936 and was appointed Minister of Public Education. Political career In 1937 he was elected to Congress and, in 1940–41, served as Mayor of Caracas. In 1945, Rómulo Gallegos was invol ...more...

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Leaders ousted by a coup

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Michelena

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Michelena

Michelena is a town in Táchira state, Venezuela. It was founded in 1849 by José Amando Pérez. It has a population of 22.500. Ilich Ramírez Sánchez, also known as Carlos the Jackal, a person currently serving death sentence in France for killing three people, was born here. Marcos Pérez Jiménez, a former president of Venezuela, was born there. Source: Wikipedia in Spanish. ...more...

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Populated places started in 1849

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Carlos Andrés Pérez

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Carlos Andrés Pérez

Carlos Andrés Pérez Rodríguez (October 27, 1922 – December 25, 2010)[1] also known as CAP and often referred to as El Gocho (due to his Andean origins), was a Venezuelan politician, President of Venezuela from 12 March 1974 to 12 March 1979 and again from 2 February 1989 to 21 May 1993. His first presidency was known as the Saudi Venezuela due to its economic and social prosperity thanks to enormous income from petroleum exportation. However, his second period saw a continuation of the economic crisis of the 1980s, and saw a series of social crises, a popular revolt (denominated Caracazo) and two coup attempts in 1992. In May 1993 he became the first Venezuelan president to be forced out of the office by the Supreme Court, for the embezzlement of 250 million bolívars belonging to a presidential discretionary fund. Early life and education Carlos Andrés Pérez was born at the hacienda La Argentina, on the Venezuelan-Colombian border near the town of Rubio, Táchira state, the 11th of 12 children in a middle-cla ...more...

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Cold War leaders

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Estefanía

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Estefanía

Estefanía is a popular Venezuelan telenovela that was produced by and broadcast on Venezuela's Radio Caracas Televisión in 1979.[1] The story idea was conceived by Julio César Marmol and Humberto (Kiko) Olivieri and the plot was based on the government of Marcos Pérez Jiménez. Pierina España and José Luis Rodríguez starred as the main protagonists with Gustavo Rodríguez as the main antagonist.[2] The telenovela was written by and Julio César Marmol, and directed by César Bolívar and Julio César Marmol, the series lasted 208 episodes. It was distributed internationally by Coral International. Synopsis In 1957, Venezuela is under a harsh military regime. Estefanía Gallardo is a famous actress who is fighting to save her father who is in jail as a political prisoner in the hands of the ruthless National Security Command led by the bloodthirsty Pedro Escobar. Luis Alberto Seijas is engaged to Ana Maria Escobar, Pedro's daughter. One time, Estefanía helps Luis Alberto escape and there is an instant attraction bet ...more...

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Venezuelan telenovelas

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Gustavo Rodríguez (actor)

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Gustavo Rodríguez (actor)

Gustavo Rodríguez (February 19, 1947 – April 2, 2014) was a Venezuelan film, stage and television actor.[1] Handsome, rugged, versatile and charismatic character actor Gustavo Rodríguez was born in Ciudad Bolívar, the capital city of Venezuela's southeastern Bolívar state. Rodríguez initially became an avid film fan in his childhood days, as he often explained that Orson Welles' classic Citizen Kane (1941) made an especially strong impression on him as a young man.[1] In a career that spanned more than 40 years, Rodríguez was able to play the most dissimilar of characters, from royalist caudillo José Tomás Boves, tango singer Carlos Gardel, philosopher Karl Marx, and Venezuelan president Rómulo Betancourt, to the lead role in William Shakespeare's Hamlet and King Lear, while appearing in over more than 50 playwrights, 40 telenovelas and 18 films.[2] Following college graduation, Rodríguez moved to Caracas to attend Central University of Venezuela, where he acted in school plays before obtaining a Bachelor ...more...

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People from Caracas

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Aquiles Nazoa

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Aquiles Nazoa

Aquiles Nazoa (Caracas, 17 May 1920 - 26 April 1976) was a Venezuelan writer, journalist, poet and humorist. His work expressed the values of popular Venezuelan culture. He worked in the newspaper El Universal as a packer, later becoming a proof-reader. He had also begun to read English and French which allowed him to work simultaneously as a tourist guide in the Museo de Bellas Artes. He became the correspondent of El Universal in Puerto Cabello and was arrested in 1940 for defamation and slanderous allegations when criticising the Municipal authorities. He worked in Tropical Radio, had a column in El Universal entitled Punta de lanza (spearhead), and was reporter for the newspaper Últimas Noticias. He collaborated in the weekly magazine El Morrocoy Azul and the newspaper El Nacional. He wrote for the Colombian magazine, Sábado (Saturday) and lived a year in Cuba. In 1945, he became editor of the magazine Fantoches. In 1956, he was expelled from the country by the regime of Marcos Pérez Jiménez, but return ...more...

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Gabriel García Márquez

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Gabriel García Márquez

Gabriel José de la Concordia García Márquez (;[1] American Spanish:  ( listen);[2] 6 March 1927 – 17 April 2014) was a Colombian novelist, short-story writer, screenwriter and journalist, known affectionately as Gabo or Gabito throughout Latin America. Considered one of the most significant authors of the 20th century and one of the best in the Spanish language, he was awarded the 1972 Neustadt International Prize for Literature and the 1982 Nobel Prize in Literature.[3] He pursued a self-directed education that resulted in his leaving law school for a career in journalism. From early on, he showed no inhibitions in his criticism of Colombian and foreign politics. In 1958, he married Mercedes Barcha; they had two sons, Rodrigo and Gonzalo.[4] García Márquez started as a journalist, and wrote many acclaimed non-fiction works and short stories, but is best known for his novels, such as One Hundred Years of Solitude (1967), The Autumn of the Patriarch (1975), and Love in the Time of Cholera (1985). His works ha ...more...

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Literature

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Nobel laureates in Literature

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historical wars

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Confederación Nacional de Trabajadores (1952)

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Confederación Nacional de Trabajadores (1952)

The Movimiento Sindical Independiente de Trabajadores (MOSIT) was a Venezuelan trade union federation, founded at a conference in 1952. At the conference there were two delegates from each state. Rafael Garcia was the head of MOSIT.[1] The founding of MOSIT came shortly ahead of the 1952 ILO conference. MOSIT claimed to be apolitical, but in practice the movement was largely supportive of the Marcos Pérez Jiménez government. After MOSIT had been founded, the Venezuelan government appointed MOSIT as the Venezuelan trade union representatives to the ILO conference, a move that was protested by the ICFTU and U.S. unions AFL and CIO.[1] In 1954 MOSIT changed name to Confederación Nacional de Trabajadores. The organization also joined Agrupación de Trabajadores Latinoamericanos Sindicalistas.[1] After the fall of Pérez Jiménez in 1958, CNT and most of its affiliated unions were dissolved.[1] References Alexander, Robert J. Rómulo Betancourt and the transformation of Venezuela. New Brunswick, cop. 1982. p. ...more...

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Venezuelan Constituent Assembly election, 1952

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Venezuelan Constituent Assembly election, 1952

Constitutional Assembly elections were held in Venezuela on 30 November 1952.[1] After its election, the Assembly would nominate a provisional President and then draft a new constitution.[2] Although taking place under military dictatorship with the main opposition party (Democratic Action) banned, the election was fair enough to permit early results to show an unexpected defeat for the ruling military junta as the Democratic Republican Union won 62.8% of the vote.[3] The junta blocked the final results from being published and installed General Marcos Pérez Jiménez as Provisional President, an outcome confirmed by the Constitutional Assembly, which the opposition parties boycotted. Background Venezuela had been run by a three-person junta from the 1948 Venezuelan coup d'état, under the leadership of Carlos Delgado Chalbaud. His assassination in November 1950 caused delays in the promulgation of the junta's promised electoral law,[4] and afterwards Pérez Jiménez, its most powerful member, opposed the draft l ...more...

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Democratic Republican Union

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Democratic Republican Union

For the French Third Republic group, see Democratic and Republican Union The Democratic Republican Union (Spanish: Unión Republicana Democrática, URD) is a Venezuelan political party founded in 1945. When the party appeared on course to win the 1952 election for a constitutional assembly, dictator Marcos Pérez Jiménez suspended the election.[6] The party joined in the 1958 Punto Fijo Pact, and its candidate in the Venezuelan presidential election, 1958, Wolfgang Larrazábal, was the runner up. The party resigned from the Punto Fijo Pact in 1962. Its candidate Jóvito Villalba won 19% of the vote in the 1963 election, but only 3% in the 1973 election. Presidential candidates supported elections where URD backed the winning candidate shown in bold 1952 election: Jóvito Villalba 1958 election: Wolfgang Larrazábal (34.88% of vote) 1963 election: Jóvito Villalba (18.89%) 1968 election: Miguel Ángel Burelli Rivas (22.22%) 1973 election: Jóvito Villalba (3.07%) 1978 election: Luis Herrera Campins (COP ...more...

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Political parties started in 1945

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Corruption in Venezuela

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Corruption in Venezuela

Corruption in Venezuela is high by world standards and is prevalent throughout many levels of Venezuela's society.[1] In the case of Venezuela, the discovery of oil in the early twentieth century has worsened political corruption.[2] Transparency International's 2016 Corruption Perception Index ranks the country 166th place out of 176 countries.[3] A 2014 Gallup poll found that 75% of Venezuelans believed that corruption was widespread throughout the Venezuelan government.[4] Discontent with corruption was cited by opposition-aligned groups as one of the reasons for the 2014 and 2017 Venezuelan protests.[5] History The history of Venezuela has been mired with "persistent and intense presence of corruption".[6] In 1991, author Ruth Capriles wrote The history of corruption in Venezuela is the history of our democracy depicting the many instances of corruption in the country.[7] In 1997, Pro Calidad de Vida, a Venezuelan NGO claimed that some $100 billion from oil revenue has been misused in the preceding 25 y ...more...

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José Luis Rodríguez (singer)

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José Luis Rodríguez (singer)

José Luis Rodríguez González, nicknamed El Puma (Cougar) (Spanish pronunciation: ; 14 January 1943), is a Venezuelan singer and actor who is known for having recorded many international super hits and participated in a handful of telenovelas. He also served as a coach and mentor on the Peruvian and Argentine version of The Voice, as well as a judge on X Factor Chile. Life and career José Luis Rodríguez was born in Caracas, Venezuela to José Antonio Rodríguez from the Canary Islands, Spain and Ana González a Venezuelan housewife. He lost his father at the age of six, and was raised by his mother (an illiterate then, learned to read as an adult in order to read the Bible) along with 11 brothers and sisters. He grew up in very modest conditions, having to shine shoes, and pack bags in a supermarket for a living at an early age. Without an academic formation, he shaped himself as a singer and actor by empirical means. As his mother participated in the revolt against Marcos Pérez Jiménez (holding weapons and hid ...more...

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People from Caracas

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Nationalist Civic Crusade

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Nationalist Civic Crusade

The Nationalist Civic Crusade (Spanish: Cruzada Civica Nacionalista; CCN) was a Venezuelan political party. They were established in 1965. CCN was formed by followers of former dictator Marcos Pérez Jiménez, under the leadership of P. Salas Castillo.[1] They had a vaguely conservative outlook, although effectively had little ideology beyond personal allegiance to Pérez Jiménez, who also personally flirted with populism and Peronism.[2] The party first contested the 1968 election, winning 21 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and four in the Senate.[3] Pérez Jiménez was elected to the Senate, although he was disqualified by the courts and an alternative CCN member took the seat instead.[1] Their vote fell in 1973 and they were eliminated from both houses in 1978.[3] What support they had ebbed away as Pérez Jiménez, who went into voluntary exile in Spain, decided against returning to politics whilst attempts to sponsor his daughter as a presidential candidate also led to nothing.[1] The party disappeared but ...more...

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Political parties started in 1965

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Ministry of Defense (Venezuela)

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Ministry of Defense (Venezuela)

The Venezuelan Ministry of People's Power for Defense is the federal-level organisation responsible for maintaining the Venezuelan armed forces. As of October 2014, this ministry is headed by General Vladimir Padrino López[1] The ministry coordinates numerous counter-narcotics operations (e.g., Operation Sierra through the CUFAN organ), helps perform various civil support and social development programs, and oversees the conventional military capabilities of Venezuela. History 1810 Established as War and Navy Bureau 1863 Ministry of War 1874 Ministry of War and Navy 1946 Became Ministry of National Defense 1951 Name amended to Ministry of Defense 2007 Renamed Ministry of People's Power for Defense by presidential decree Lists of Ministers of Defense Ministers of Defense of the Republic of Venezuela # Minister Period President Beginning of term End of term 1 Commander Lino de Clemente 1810 1812 Cristóbal Mendoza 2 Commander Lino de Clemente 1812 1812 Francisco Espejo 3 Commander Lino de ...more...

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Rafael Caldera

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Rafael Caldera

Rafael Antonio Caldera Rodríguez (Spanish pronunciation: ; 24 January 1916 – 24 December 2009)[1] was a Venezuelan politician who served as the 56th and 63rd President of Venezuela from 1969 to 1974 and again from 1994 to 1999. Caldera taught sociology and law at various universities before entering politics. He was a founding member of COPEI, Venezuela's Christian Democratic party. Puntofijo Pact was signed in his house, located in Sabana Grande.[2] The pact was named after Caldera's house.[3] He first ran for president unsuccessfully in 1947 and tried again every time it was possible until finally succeeding in 1968, winning by a relatively scant 33,000 votes against a recently divided Acción Democrática party. When he was sworn into office in 1969, it marked the first peaceful transfer of power from one party to another in Venezuela's history. During his first presidency, Caldera was able to pacify the country by granting an amnesty that allowed guerrilla fighters, who had been operating clandestinely for ...more...

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Caracas-La Guaira highway

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Caracas-La Guaira highway

The Caracas–La Guaira highway is a highway that connects Caracas, the capital of Venezuela, to its principal port city of La Guaira, capital of the Vargas state. It was designed as an alternative to the old highway linking Caracas with La Guaira, the Carretera Vieja, a circuitous route, which was full of very dangerous curves located mostly in steep places with his journey from one extreme to another generally takes an hour. The journey for the highway is 20 minutes. It is the primary route between Caracas and the coast, and it links Caracas with its main international airport, Simón Bolívar International Airport. It was designed and built during the government of Colonel Marcos Pérez Jiménez and the military junta government that preceded it. Construction began in January 1950, and lasted until late 1953, with a huge cost of 3,500,000 dollars per km at the time, and 60,000,000 dollars on the present.[1] At the time of its inauguration, the project was considered an engineering masterpiece,[2] and one of th ...more...



Dirección General de Policía

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Dirección General de Policía

The Dirección General de Policía (DIGEPOL) was a Venezuelan police agency. DIGEPOL was created after the transition to democracy following the 1958 fall of the dictatorship of Marcos Pérez Jiménez, replacing in part the old Seguridad Nacional.[1] Allegations of abuse plagued DIGEPOL, most prominently in relation to, according to judicial hearings, the killing and torture of a communist professor by DIGEPOL agents.[1] DIGEPOL was replaced in 1969 by the Dirección de los Servicios de Inteligencia y Prevención (DISIP), under the control of the Interior Ministry.[1] References Mark Ungar (2002), Elusive reform: democracy and the rule of law in Latin America, p99 ...more...



José Agustín Catalá

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José Agustín Catalá

José Agustín Catalá Delgado (11 February 1915, Guanare[1] - 18 December 2011[2]) was a Venezuelan journalist and author. He was best known for his work on the 1948-58 dictatorship of Marcos Pérez Jiménez, during which he spent three years in prison. He had previously been imprisoned for four months in 1934, for publication of a poem, under Juan Vicente Gomez.[3] Under Pérez Jiménez, Catalá's company Editorial Ávila Gráfica printed the clandestine Democratic Action's materials, such as newspapers and manifestos.[4] Catalá was arrested following the publication in 1952 of Venezuela bajo el signo del terror, 1948-1952. He received Chile's Order of Bernardo O'Higgins in 1996 for his work on Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship.[2] A biography, José Agustín Catalá, una manera de ser hombre: libro homenaje a sus 70 años was published in 1985 by Ramón José Velásquez. Selected bibliography Documentos para la historia de Acción Democrática 1936-1941, Volume 1 (1981, Ediciones Centauro) (with Oswaldo Barreto) Las masc ...more...

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Television in Venezuela

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Television in Venezuela

Television in Venezuela began in 1952 when the dictator Marcos Pérez Jiménez launched the state channel Televisora Nacional, making Venezuela the ninth country in the world to have television. By 1963 a quarter of Venezuelan households had television; a figure rising to 45% by 1969 and 85% by 1982.[1] Telenovelas are popular in Venezuela, and some Venezuelan productions (such as 1992's Cara Sucia) are distributed internationally. Perhaps the best known television show internationally is however President Hugo Chávez' weekly talk show Aló Presidente, which began in 1999 and ended in 2012. The government also makes regular use of cadenas (mandatory interruptions on all channels to show government broadcasts). Channels and channel owners Televisa was the second television network to begin operations in Venezuela after Televisora Nacional, and the first commercial network before Radio Caracas Television both in 1953. Ondas del Lago Televisión was the first Venezuelan regional television network based in Maracaib ...more...

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List of recipients of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany

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List of recipients of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany

This is a list of recipients of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany. Grand Crosses Special Class of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of GermanyRoyal Houses King Albert II of Belgium King Philippe of Belgium King Carl XVI Gustaf of Sweden King Gustaf VI Adolf of Sweden King Juan Carlos I of Spain Queen Juliana of the Netherlands Queen Beatrix of the Netherlands Queen Elizabeth II King Birendra of Nepal Prince Claus of the Netherlands Prince Bernhard of Lippe-Biesterfeld Henrik, Prince Consort of Denmark Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh King Hassanal Bolkiah King Hussein of Jordan Queen Margrethe II of Denmark Queen Silvia of Sweden Queen Sirikit of Thailand Queen Sofía of Spain Queen Sonja of Norway Empress Farah Pahlavi Queen Paola of Belgium Queen Aishwarya of Nepal Queen Frederica of Hanover Queen Rania of Jordan Queen Ratna of Nepal Qaboos bin Said al Said King Paul of Greece King Mahendra of Nepal King Olav V of Norway Emperor Mo ...more...

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Miguel Otero Silva

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Miguel Otero Silva

Miguel Otero Silva (October 26, 1908 - August 28, 1985), was a Venezuelan writer, journalist, humorist and politician. Remaining a figure of great reference in Venezuelan literature, his literary and journalistic works were strictly related to the social and political history of Venezuela. Before the establishment of democracy in 1958, he was repeatedly forced into exile; afterwards, he was elected to the Venezuelan Senate. Early career Born in Barcelona, Anzoátegui State, moved to Caracas at very young age, to study in the Liceo Caracas. He applied to the Universidad Central de Venezuela for studies in civil engineering. During this time, takes place his early literary activity, writing for magazines and newspapers, such as Élite and Fantoches, and other university publications, besides entering journalism. Fort Amsterdam of Willemstad taking of by Venezuelan revolutionaries (1929) During the Student’s Week of the year 1928, Otero Silva formed part of a series of protests against the rule of then-pre ...more...

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Lenin Peace Prize recipients

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Carlos Capriles Ayala

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Carlos Capriles Ayala

Carlos Capriles Ayala (16 March 1923 – 10 February 2014) is a Venezuelan journalist and historian, and a former Ambassador of Venezuela in Spain during Rafael Caldera's presidency tenure.[3] He is co-founder along with his brother, Miguel Ángel Capriles Ayala, of La Cadena Capriles, Capriles Publications and became Vice-President from 1950 to 1977. Founding editor of the Maracaibo daily Critica (1965–68),[4] el "Vespertino de Maracaibo", news magazines "Elite" and "Momento" and lastly "El Mundo" tabloid. He is the author of a number of books, including a biography of Venezuelan dictator Marcos Pérez Jiménez. He is co-author of the three-volume Diccionario de la corrupción en Venezuela (Dictionary of Corruption in Venezuela).[3] He protagonized and fomented the defence for free expression, free press and the constitution of the democracy in Venezuela. He was politically persecuted during the dictatorship of Marcos Perez Jimenez, during which he was thrown in jail and afterwards sent into exile. His thirst for ...more...

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Táchira

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Táchira

Táchira State (Spanish: Estado Táchira, IPA: ) is one of the 23 states of Venezuela. The state capital is San Cristóbal. Táchira State covers a total surface area of 10,812 square kilometres (4,175 sq mi) and, as of the 2011 census, had a population of 1,168,908. At the end of the 19th century, Táchira state was the place where oil was discovered in Venezuela. It was exploited for many years. Currently, its main economic revenues come from the production of coffee and pineapple. The cattle and agricultural activities play an important role in Táchira's economy. There is also a strong industrial sector which focuses on the processing of potato, sugar, milk, and cheese and the production of textiles. Táchira State is one of the three Venezuelan Andean states (the other two are Mérida and Trujillo). This state borders with Zulia State in the north, Barinas and Mérida states in the East, Apure and Barinas states in the south and Colombia (Norte de Santander Department) in the west. History Táchira State plays ...more...

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States and territories established in 1899

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2001

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2001

Wikimedia Commons has media related to 2001. 2001 (MMI) was a common year starting on Monday of the Gregorian calendar, the 2001st year of the Common Era (CE) and Anno Domini (AD) designations, the 1st year of the 3rd millennium, the 1st year of the 21st century, and the 2nd year of the 2000s decade. 2001 was designated as: International Year of Volunteers EventsJanuary January 20: George W. Bush, 43rd President of the United States January 1 – Kolkata officially restores name from Calcutta, West Bengal, India.[1] January 10 – The U.S. Federal Trade Commission approves the merger of America Online and Time Warner to form AOL Time Warner. January 13 – A 7.6 magnitude earthquake hits all of El Salvador, killing at least 800 people and leaving thousands homeless. January 15 – Wikipedia is launched.[2] January 20 George W. Bush is sworn in as the 43rd President of the United States. Impeachment proceedings against Philippine President Joseph Estrada, accused of playing Jueteng, end pr ...more...

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July

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Puntofijo Pact

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Puntofijo Pact

The Puntofijo Pact was a formal arrangement arrived at between representatives of Venezuela's three main political parties in 1958, Acción Democrática (AD), COPEI (Social Christian Party), and Unión Republicana Democrática (URD), for the acceptance of the 1958 presidential elections, and the preservation of the new democratic regime. This pact was a written guarantee that the signing parties would respect the election results, prevent single-party hegemony, work together to fight dictatorship, as well as an agreement to share oil wealth.[1] The pact is often credited with launching Venezuela towards democracy, being recognized for creating the most stable period in the history of Venezuela's republics.[2][3] While the pact did provide the grounds for possible democratic deepening, it also ushered in a period of exclusionary politics where the political system became dominated by the two-party system of AD and COPEI.[4] Background On January 23, 1958 President Marcos Pérez Jiménez fled Venezuela for the Domi ...more...

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Simón Bolívar International Airport (Venezuela)

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Simón Bolívar International Airport (Venezuela)

Simón Bolívar International Airport or Maiquetía "Simón Bolívar" International Airport (IATA: CCS, ICAO: SVMI, Spanish: Aeropuerto Internacional de Maiquetia "Simón Bolívar")[1] is an international airport located in Maiquetía, Vargas, Venezuela about 21 kilometres (13 mi) from downtown Caracas, the capital of the country. Simply called Maiquetía by the local population, it is the main international air passenger gateway to Venezuela. It handles flights to destinations in the Americas, the Caribbean and some in Europe. History The airport opened in 1945 as the Aeropuerto Internacional de Maiquetía.[2] The site had been recommended as an appropriate location for an airport by Charles Lindbergh on behalf of Pan Am. [3] The USA subsidized the construction of the airport as part of the Airport Development Program. Luis Malaussena was the architect who designed the original passenger terminal. [4] It was regularly visited by the Anglo-French supersonic airliner Concorde until the 1980s. Commencing in the late 19 ...more...

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Airports in Venezuela

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Diego Cisneros

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Diego Cisneros

Diego Jesús Jiménez de Cisneros Bermúdez (September 27, 1911 – July 15, 1980) was a Cuban-Venezuelan businessman.[1][2] He founded Grupo Cisneros. Early life Cisneros was born in Havana, Cuba, to parents Diego Jiménez de Cisneros y Govantes, a Cuban dentist, and María Luisa Bermúdez Martínez, who was from Venezuela.[1] After his father's death in 1914, Cisneros and his mother and brother, Antonio José Cisneros, moved to Venezuela. They then moved to Port of Spain, Trinidad, where Cisneros' mother's family had relocated. While living in Trinidad, Cisneros attended primary and secondary school at Saint Mary's College, a school governed by the Roman Catholic Congregation of the Holy Ghost.[1] Career In 1928, Cisneros and his brother Antonio José Cisneros moved back to Venezuela. In Caracas, Cisneros got a job at the Royal Bank of Canada because he was fluent in English. Shortly after getting that job, he began working at a dealership for Chrysler cars and International trucks. In 1929, Cisneros and his brot ...more...

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Venezuelan television company founders

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Luis Herrera Campins

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Luis Herrera Campins

Luis Antonio Herrera Campins (4 May 1925 – 9 November 2007) was President of Venezuela from 1979 to 1984. He was elected to one five-year term in 1978. He was a member of the COPEI, a Christian Democrat party. Early life and career Luis Herrera at the age of 15 Luis Antonio Herrera Campins was born in Acarigua, Portuguesa. He studied law initially at Central University of Venezuela, though his studies were interrupted when he was imprisoned during the regime of Marcos Pérez Jiménez. He eventually earned his law degree in 1955 from the Universidad de Santiago de Compostela. Herrera entered politics in 1937, and from 1959 to 1979 he served in the National Congress. He became President of Venezuela on 12 March 1979. Presidency Venezuelan Presidential election 1978 Results Candidates Votes % Luis Herrera 2.469.042 % Luis Piñerúa 2.295.052 % Abstention: % Total votes: Herrera won the December 1978 presidential elections for COPEI, replacing the social democrat Carlos Andrés Pérez ...more...

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Presidents of Venezuela

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Pedro Tinoco

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Pedro Tinoco

Pedro Tinoco (c. 1928–1993[1]) was a Venezuelan businessman and politician. Tinoco was Minister of Finance from 1969 to 1972, under President Rafael Caldera. He was then Chairman of the Board of Banco Latino from 1975,[2] and one of Carlos Andrés Pérez's "Twelve Apostles".[3] He resigned in 1989 to take on the presidency of the Central Bank of Venezuela.[4] Under Tinoco's chairmanship of the central bank, interest rates were liberalised with little effective banking supervision, and Banco Latino, which in 1988 was the central bank's largest debtor, went from the country's fifth-largest to second-largest bank.[5] Banco Latino was the first bank to fail in the Venezuelan banking crisis of 1994. He was a candidate in the Venezuelan presidential election, 1973, in which he was one of four candidates claiming the backing of Marcos Pérez Jiménez;[6] he won less than 1% of the vote. Pedro Tinoco was also a professor of Public Finance and Political Economy at Universidad Central de Venezuela. Tinoco was the son ...more...

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Centro Simón Bolívar Towers

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Centro Simón Bolívar Towers

The Centro Simón Bolívar Towers TCSB also known as the Towers of Silence is a building with a pair of 32-story towers, each measuring 103 meters in height, in El Silencio district, Caracas, Venezuela. Built during the time of the presidency of Marcos Pérez Jiménez, the TCSB was opened to the public on December 6, 1954.[1][2] Towers of Simón Bolívar Center, as seen underneath the arch of the Palace of Justice, Caracas Features The TCSB is an example of functionalist architecture that includes the concept of integrating artistic works into the building. When first built it was a symbol of Venezuelan national identity, of a country emerging from its agrarian and petroleum-based economy, at the beginning of its industrialization. The TCSB is thus imposed as a simple aesthetic symbol of modernity and of the long-term development facing the country.[3] The TCSB is suspended in the air above the ground on stilts, allowing the public to traverse beneath it unhindered. The symmetry of the building is rigorous, ...more...

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Twin towers

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La Boda (1982 film)

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La Boda (1982 film)

La Boda is a 1982 Venezuelan film directed by Thaelman Urguelles co-produced by Universidad de los Andes. The film treats the dictatorship of Marcos Perez Jimenez (1948-1958). References Magical Reels: A History of Cinema in Latin America - Page 222 185984233X John King - 2000 - This film was produced in conjunction with the Universidad de los Andes which co-produced a number of interesting works in the 1980s, including Thaelman Urguelles's La boda (The Wedding, 1982) and Fina Torres's Oriana, 1985, two of the ... Jorge M. Febles Into the mainstream: essays on Spanish American and Latino Culture 2008 In Venezuela, the dictatorship of Marcos Perez Jimenez (1948-1958) has been defined as a locus of memory in a variety of audiovisual texts.1 Thaelman Urguelles's film, La boda, remembers Perez Jimenez's autocratic rule in quite peculiar ... Américas -Division of Cultural Relations, Pan American Union., 1984 Volumes 35-36 -1984 Page 5 "... Second Prize was awarded to the Venezuelan film La boda (The Weddi ...more...

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Articles covered by WikiProject Wikify from Sep...

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